Join the Green Tea Party | Terry Anderson

Kermit

…ask yourself an important question: Are you really an environmentalist, or are you just “greener than thou.” Membership in the Green tea party requires more than just displaying your green bona fides. It requires proven environmental results and pragmatic environmental policies—not just green rhetoric…

With only two planks, the Green tea party’s platform would make it clear that prosperity and incentives, not bureaucracies, drive environmental improvements.

The first plank is that wealthier is healthier. From the United States to the former Soviet Union, data show that economic growth is necessary for environmental improvement, not the enemy of it. The overwhelming evidence says that economic growth results from secure property rights and a strong rule of law.

Given this, we have a recipe for improving the environment that starts with economic progress and a robust private sector. More federal spending and bureaucratic red tape work against these goals. Environmental quality cannot be secured with taxpayer dollars and environmental protection agency  regulations.

The second plank is that incentives matter. The Green tea party would use the carrot—property rights and markets—rather than the regulatory stick to improve environmental quality. Kermit agrees with the great conservationist, Aldo Leopold, who said, “Conservation will ultimately boil down to rewarding the private landowner who conserves the public interest.”

Sustainability only comes from profitability and accountability.

via Join the Green Tea Party | Hoover Institution.

To widen the market and to narrow the competition is always the interest of sellers

The proposal of any new law or regulation of commerce which comes from this order, ought always to be listened to with great precaution, and ought never to be adopted till after having been long and carefully examined, not only with the most scrupulous, but with the most suspicious attention.

It comes from an order of men, whose interest is never exactly the same with that of the public, who have generally an interest to deceive and even oppress the public, and who accordingly have, upon many occasions, both deceived and oppressed it.

The unintended consequences of dogooder laws

image

Via  http://jimunro.blogspot.com.au/2014/06/move-to-repeal-plain-packaging.html

The dead are many – the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA)

I found that the unregulated market was very quickly weeding out ineffective drugs prior to 1962. Their sales declined rapidly within a few months of introduction, and there was thus little room for the regulation to improve on market forces . . . most of the subsequent academic research reached conclusions similar to mine . . .

The carnage from this regulation, I regret to assure you, will continue for a long time . . . the deaths of which I speak are counterfactual deaths, not deaths that can be directly connected to any regulatory malfeasance . . .

the actual victims of the regulation did not swallow a bad FDA-approved pill. They merely failed to swallow a good one in time and never knew what they had missed.

Sam Peltzman 2005, 15–6

Housing price booms and the restrictiveness of land-use regulation in the USA

Issue 32 2013 graph

The picture tells a 1000 words.

Investors think Uber is worth $17 billion. Why that’s not entirely crazy.

A user scans for an available vehicle using Uber Technologies's app on a smartphone  in London. (Photo illustration: Chris Ratcliffe/Bloomberg News)

Watch out taxi drivers.

via Investors think Uber is worth $17 billion. Why that’s not entirely crazy..

Sam Peltzman and the great restraint in the growth of government, 1980-2007

From 1950 to 1980 the size of government doubled in the developed world and then stopped dead in 1980. This great restraint on the growth of government happened everywhere. It was not just Thatcher’s Britain or Reagan’s America. It was everywhere, in France and Germany, and even in Scandinavia.

Peltzman’s data below has government spending double between 1950 and 1980, and then nothing much happened in between 1980 and 2007 – the size of government is pretty flat as a share of GDP for 27 years.

Source: Sam Peltzman, The Socialist Revival? (2012).

There is a noticeable reduction in the size of government spending in Scandinavia. Reagan and Thatcher had nothing on those Social Democrats in Scandinavia when it comes to cutting the size of government.

Governments everywhere hit a brick wall in terms of their ability to raise further tax revenues. Political parties of the Left and Right recognised this new reality.

Government spending grew in many countries in the 20th century because of demographic shifts, more efficient taxes, more efficient spending, a shift in the political power from those taxed to those subsidised, shifts in political power among taxed groups, and shifts in political power among subsidised groups.

The median voter in all countries was alive to the power of incentives and to not killing the goose that laid the golden egg.

After 1980, the taxed, regulated and subsidised groups had an increased incentive to converge on new lower cost modes of redistribution.

More efficient taxes, more efficient spending, more efficient regulation and a more efficient state sector reduced the burden of taxes on the taxed groups.

Most subsidised groups benefited as well because their needs were met in ways that provoked less political opposition.

Gary Becker made this warning about the political repercussions of tax reform and economic reform in general for the size of government:

…the greater efficiency of a VAT and its ease of collection is a two-edged sword.

On the one hand, it would raise a given amount of tax revenue efficiently and cheaply.

Since economists usually evaluate different types of taxes by their efficiency and ease of collecting a given amount of tax revenue, economists typically like value added taxes.

The error in this method of evaluating taxes is that it does not consider the political economy determinants of the level of taxes.

From this political economy perspective, the value added tax does not look so attractive, at least to those of us who worry that governments would spend and tax at higher levels than is economically and socially desirable.


Reforms ensued after 1980 led by parties on the Left and Right, with some members of existing political groupings benefiting from joining new political coalitions.

The deadweight losses of taxes, transfers and regulation limit inefficient policies and the sustainability of redistribution.

Peltzman likes to note that at the start of the 20th century, the United States government was about 8% of GDP. The two largest programs were education and highways. The post office was as big as the military.

Government is about five times that now with defence, health, education and income security accounting for 70% of this total. Peltzman makes the very interesting point that:

There is no new program in the political horizon that seems capable of attaining anything like the size of any of these four.

For the time being the future government rest on the extent of existing mega programs.

Health and income security account for 55% of total government spending in the OECD. It is in these two programs where the future of the growth of government lie.

The pressure for that growth in government will come from the elderly. Governments will have to choose between high taxes on the young to fund these programs for the elderly or find other options.

Those subservient press barons

Both political parties used television licensing and the threat of cable TV to manipulate Murdoch, Packer and the other press barons. They were victims of Fred McChesney’s concept of rent extraction:

  • Rent extraction is the politician’s pastime of threatening harmful legislation to extract political support and contributions from well-heeled private institutions.
  • Payments to politicians are often made not for political favours, but to avoid political disfavour, that is, as part of a system of political extortion or rent extraction.

Rent extraction is money for nothing – money paid in exchange for politicians’ inaction.

The politician is paid, not for rent creation, but for withholding legislative and regulatory action that would destroy existing private rents.

McChesney establishes the conditions under which of rent creation or extraction will occur. The relative attractiveness of the two strategies depends on the elasticities of demand and supply.

  • If demand is relatively inelastic, rent creation will occur; and
  • If supply is relatively inelastic, rent extraction will occur.

The existence of an organization or a large established firm lowers transaction costs for the politicians negotiating and collecting donations and support, making rent expropriation threats easier.

It is hard to extort rents from those with little in the way of organisation. A cost of being an established lobbying organisation or a large firm with high fixed costs is a greater potential for rent extraction.

The print and electronic media are ripe for rent extraction because of their immobile assets and heavy regulation.

Investors in heavily regulated capital intensive industries such as the mass media, digital and print, do not bite the hand the feeds them.

Little wonder that the media barons were honoured supplicants to whomever is in power in Canberra. They are soon Labor’s business mates whenever Labor was in power.

Threatening to allow cable TV was the big stick in every Australian government’s hand until the 1990s to extract support or at least subservience from the media.

Rupert Murdoch has unashamedly backed political winners, only to dump them when he was convinced that they were washed up or that his newspapers might be left stranded on the losing side of politics.

Murdoch’s see-sawing political stances are entirely pragmatic. He has always been prepared to back winners just before they win, and to shift allegiances on non-ideological grounds.

Basing policy on a scientific consensus is a new development for environmentalists

Previously the precautionary principle was used to introduce doubt when there was no doubt. But when climate science turned in their favour, environmentalists wanted public policy to be based on the latest science.

The precautionary principle is deeply incoherent. We should take precautions but there are always risks on both sides of a decision; inaction can bring danger, but so can action. Precautions themselves create risks so the precautionary principle bans what it simultaneously requires.

There is never perfect certainty about the nature and causes of health and environmental threats, so environmental and health regulations are almost always adopted despite some residual uncertainty.

We live in a Schumpeterian world where new risks replace old risks.

The obvious question is it safer or more precautionary to focus on the potential harms of new activities or technologies without reference to the activities or technologies they might displace? Jonathan Alder explains

In any policy decision, policy makers can make two potential errors regarding risk.

On the one hand, policy makers may err by failing to adopt measures to address a health or environmental risk that exists.

On the other hand, policy makers may adopt regulatory measures to control a health or environmental risk that does not exist.

Both types of error can increase risks to public health.


Consider the overwhelming consensus among researchers that biotech crops are safe for humans and the environment

This is a conclusion that is rejected by the very environmentalist organisations that loudly insist on the policy relevance of the scientific consensus on global warming.

In his 2012 Dimbleby lecture, Sir Paul Nurse calls for a re-opening the debate about GM crops based on scientific facts and analysis:

We need to consider what the science has to say about risks and benefits, uncoloured by commercial interests and ideological opinion. It is not acceptable if we deny the world’s poorest access to ways that could help their food security, if that denial is based on fashion and ill-informed opinion rather than good science.

Cass Sunstein wrote that in its strongest and most distinctive forms, the precautionary principle imposes a burden of proof on those who create potential risks, and requires regulation of activities even if it cannot be shown that those activities are likely to produce significant harms:

…apparently sensible questions have culminated in an influential doctrine, known as the precautionary principle.

The central idea is simple: Avoid steps that will create a risk of harm.

Until safety is established, be cautious; do not require unambiguous evidence.

Yet the precautionary principle, for all its rhetorical appeal, is deeply incoherent.

It is of course true that we should take precautions against some speculative dangers.

But there are always risks on both sides of a decision; inaction can bring danger, but so can action.

Precautions, in other words, themselves create risks – and hence the principle bans what it simultaneously requires.

Sunstein is a Democrat whose White House appointment to the head the White House Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs under Obama was opposed by the Left of the Democrat Party because of his views on the precautionary principle and his support of cost-benefit analysis as a primary tool for assessing regulations. Sunstein again:

The simplest problem with the precautionary principle is that regulation might well deprive society of significant benefits, and even produce a large number of deaths that would otherwise not occur.

Genetic modification holds out the promise of producing food that is both cheaper and healthier – resulting, for example, in products that might have large benefits in developing countries.

The point is not that genetic modification will definitely have those benefits, or that the benefits of genetic modification outweigh the risks.

The point is that the precautionary principle provides no guidance

The epitome of anti-science is support for the precautionary principle and opposition to cost-benefit analysis in assessing regulations. Which side of politics is guilty of this?

Environmentalists accept the views of scientists when its suits their anti-progress agenda. In other cases, the precautionary principle is used to delay judgment, reject science such as on GMOs and demand ever more evidence.

Environmentalists are all for the precautionary principle except when applied to natural medicines, organic food and marijuana.

Stumbling and Mumbling: 12 alternative principles to Thomas Sargent’s

1. People have different motivations: wealth, power, pride, job satisfaction and so on. Incentive structures which suit one set of motives might not work for another.

2. Many things are true but not very significantly so.

3. Power matters: conventional economics under-states this.

4. Luck matters. The R-squareds in Mincer equations are generally low.

5. There is a great deal of ruin in a nation, and in an organization.

6. Individual rationality sometimes produces outcomes which are socially optimal as in Adam Smith’s invisible hand, and sometimes not.

7. Trade-offs between values are more common than politicians pretend, but are not ubiquitous.

8. Cognitive biases are everywhere.

9. Everything matters at the margin, but the margin might not be very extensive.

10. The social sciences are all about mechanisms. The question is: which ones work when and where? This means there are few if any universal laws in the social sciences; context matters.

11. Accurate economic forecasting is impossible. But time-varying risk premia might give us a little predictability.

12. Risk comes in many types. Reducing one type of it often means increasing exposure to another type.

Chris Dillow at Stumbling and Mumbling: 12 alternative principles.

Famous Fables of Economics: Myths of Market Failures – Daniel Spulber (ed)

Table of Contents

Introduction: Economic Fables and Public Policy: Daniel F. Spulber.

  1. The Lighthouse in Economics: Ronald H. Coase.

  2. The Voluntary Provision of Public Goods? The Turnpike Companies of Early America: Daniel B. Klein.

  3. The Fable of the Bees: An Economic Investigation: Steven N. S. Cheung.

  4. The Fable of the Keys: Stan J. Liebowitz, and Stephen E. Margolis.

  5. Beta, Macintosh, and Other Fabulous Tales: Stan J. Liebowitz and Stephen E. Margolis.

  6. Delivering Coal by Road and Rail in Britain: The Efficiency of the “Silly Little Bobtailed Wagons”: Va Nee L. Van Vleck.

  7. The Acquisition of Fisher Body by General Motors: Ronald H. Coase.

  8. The Fable of Fisher Body: Ramon Casadesus-Masanell and Daniel F. Spulber.

  9. Sharecropping: Steven N. S. Cheung.

  10. Predatory Price Cutting: The Standard Oil (N.J.) Case: John S. McGee.

  11. Another Look at Alcoa: Raising Rivals’ Costs Does Not Improve the View: John E. Lopatka and Paul E. Godek.

  12. How Much Did the Liberty Shipbuilders Learn? New Evidence for an Old Case Study: Peter Thompson.

  13. Financial Legends: The Economist.

via Wiley: Famous Fables of Economics: Myths of Market Failures – Daniel Spulber.

Stephen Franks: Time to call out the earthquake sooks-updated

An over-the-top blog post title spoiled a great round-up by Stephen Franks of the costs and benefits of higher building standards regarding earthquakes:

  • Employees are pressing employers to avoid premises seen as risky even if the earthquake risk is a fraction of the risks faced by employees in their homes, or getting to and from work;
  • Retroactive earthquake strengthening may cost more than the cost of a completely new building (the Canterbury Earthquake Royal Commission mentions up to 120%);
  • Retroactively strengthening buildings outside our highest seismic risk regions is rarely likely to pass any rational cost/benefit test because few if any of them will ever cause an injury.
  • The Martin Jenkins & Associates cost benefit study mentioned by the Canterbury Earthquake Royal Commission showed no  retrospective upgrading policy that could deliver net economic benefit.
  • Rationally, almost all existing weaker buildings should be allowed to end their useful life naturally and be replaced.
  • In high risk Wellington the $60m the Council is looking at spending on the Town Hall would save more lives if spent on dedicated cycle-ways.

via StephenFranks.co.nz » Blog Archive » Time to call out the earthquake sooks.

I remember reading a justifiably bitter op-ed by a woman who survived the bus on which a wall fell on and flattened in the second Canterbury Earthquake in February 2011. Eleven died.

That historic wall was known to be in risk is collapse both before and after the first Canterbury Earthquake in 2010.

The wall could not be demolished because of restrictions under the Historic Places Act.

A relative sat on a council committee in a small country town that was among other things trying to demolish a derelict building. The building was protected by heritage legislation.

Permission was refused to demolish the derelict building even after it caught fire and nearly burnt down the pub next door.

Do monopoly concessions increase or decrease gambling?

Do monopoly concessions such as for casinos and the TAB increase or decrease gambling? Is the under-supply of output by a monopoly a good or a bad thing when the good itself is seen as a bad.

James Buchanan started his 1973 paper ‘A defence of organised crime?’ quoting Samuel Butler:

… we should try to make the self-interest of cads a little more coincident with that of decent people

Buchanan’s simple idea is that if a monopoly restricts the output of goods, a standard analytical result, then it must also restrict the output of bads! Buchanan end’s his paper with:

It is not from the public-spiritedness of the leaders of the Cosa Nostra that we should expect to get a reduction in the crime rate but from their regard for their own self-interests

The Cosa Nostra did have a reputation for running honest casinos and keeping crime down nearby.

If an illegal monopoly or cartel becomes competitive and barriers to entry are eliminated, in the long run, more illegal goods will be traded at the new equilibrium.

Should gambling outlets be public monopolies because they would be smaller, badly run and slow to innovate? The monopolisation of bads may shift us in the direction of social optimality. Buchanan, of course, adds that:

The analysis does nothing toward suggesting that enforcement agencies should not take maximum advantage of all technological developments in crime prevention, detection and control.

Regular pardons for speeding offences, accident rates and the Peltzman effect

The French and Korean president every election or so pardons all minor traffic offences. The accident rate goes up on the eve of this pardon.

Despite the obvious incentive effect of safer cars on risk taking, I have argued with people until they were black and blue where they were denying that accident rates respond to incentives and risks. My interlocutor even denied that his driving habits would change if seat belts were banned. Oddly enough, he did believe that people acted on better information about risks. I do not know why he thought they had an incentive to act on new information.

I mentioned this French pardon in another conversation. He mentioned that when he lived in Paris, he would save up his traffic and parking tickets in anticipation of the pardon.

Armen Alchian’s famous solution to speeding was to put a jagged spike in car wheels to make sure the driver died if he had an accident. This would ensure that everyone drives very carefully, assuming that anyone every got into a car ever again.

People have considerable control over the risk of accidents. When Sweden changed from driving on the left to driving on the right, motor insurance claims fell 40% for six weeks; fatalities took two years to return fully to previous levels.

The Peltzman effect was named after Sam Peltzman’s findings in “The Effects of Automobile Safety Regulation”, Journal of Political Economy August 1975 about the impact of mandatory safety devices on the accident rates for passengers and pedestrians.

Peltzman found that enough extra pedestrians were mowed down by drivers who were driving faster because they were safer that the increase in these deaths offset the fewer number of drivers and passengers dying in accidents.

Peltzman never said that the behavioural offset to greater safety and reduced risk would always be complete in all cases. Many subsequent studies found at least a partial offsetting effect of greater safety on risk taking, including an increased risk of accidents for others.

Sports economists even found the Peltzman effect in NASCAR racing. A major new safety rule led to more on-track accidents and an increased risk to both spectators and pit crew members. Greg Mankiw pointed to an Australian news report that 4WD drivers were almost four times more likely than other drivers to be using a mobile phone. Maybe they fell safer in accidents. I drive a Toyota Corolla.

The Peltzman effect is a simple point that many still resist. The whole point of safety equipment is to allow us to undertake riskier activities. When more safety equipment becomes available or is mandated, people will undertake more of the risky activity because it is now safer to do so.

HT: http://correctionspageone.blogspot.co.nz/2010/09/seatbelts-are-lifesavers-in-your-car.html for graphics

Managerial Econ: Thwarting Innovation in Sunscreen

One consequence of strict FDA rules on drug approvals is that it is really expensive to improve sunscreen.

The Washington Post has a new story titled “FDA review of new sunscreen ingredients has languished for years, frustrating advocates.”

Since 10,000 Americans die of melanoma every year, this delay has real consequences for consumers. How many people did the FDA kill this year?

via Managerial Econ: Thwarting Innovation in Sunscreen.

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