Mises on the commodification of labour

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The engines of women’s liberation

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Occupational regulation gone mad

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Women’s voting patterns over their life cycle

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Henry Hazlitt on the living wage

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Why does France have so many 49-employee companies?

France has 2.4 times as many companies with 49 employees as with 50. Under French labour law, once a company has at least 50 employees, management must create three worker councils, introduce profit sharing, and submit restructuring plans to the councils if the company decides to fire workers for economic reasons. The 3,200 page Code du Travail dictates everything from job classifications to the ability to fire workers.

Worker Productivity: The French Connection

It is unlawful in France to lay workers off to improve the profitability of the company. Michelin laid 451 workers off in 1999, announced an increased profit 2 months soon after. It was successfully sued for €10 million in the Labour Court on the grounds that economic layoffs are justified to preserve the competitiveness of a firm or of the group to which it belongs, but not in order to improve it.

Participants in the French version of the television show Survivors sued the producers for redundancy pay when they were voted off the show by the tribal council.

When entrepreneurs  and managers are confronted with laws that introduces a cost of acquiring a size that is beyond a certain threshold such as 49 employees, some will choose to stay below the threshold and stay at an inefficiently small size. The more talented managers are not running the larger firms because of this barrier to growth.

In Firm Size Distortions and the Productivity Distribution: Evidence from France, Luis Garicano, Claire LeLarge, and John Van Reenen found that the cost of the French labour regulations is approximately equivalent to a 5-10% increase in wages. The main losers from the French regulation from this misallocation of managerial talent are workers (and to a lesser extent large firms) and the main winners are small firms.

Paul Krugman (1998) on the fiscal politics of the minimum wage/living wage movement

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The labour demographics of a NZ living wage

Distribution of families earning below the Living Wage

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Source: Taxwell

The wage rates of people of different ages

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Source: Taxwell

The distribution of wages by industry

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Non-wage earners is mainly self employed. Source: Taxwell

NZ’s proposed Living Wage compared to other Living Wage proposals

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Source: Living Wage campaign websites, and exchange rates as at 20 September 2013

  1. The Living Wage proposal is an ineffective way to help families with low incomes, because:
      • Many low income earners are people below the age of 30 who are single or part of a childless couple;
      • The extra earnings by parents would result in reduced tax credits or benefit payments (as they abate with higher income).
      1. If adopted as a minimum wage, New Zealand would be out of line with other countries, and it is likely to reduce employment, particularly of younger people trying to enter the labour market.
      2. The overall impact on poverty levels is likely to be small, but it would represent a change of focus from supporting families with children towards supporting young, single people.

      General source: The Treasury Living Wage Information Release

      @arindube Paul Krugman on the minimum/living wage in 1998

      via Paul Krugman on the minimum/living wage: 1998 vs. 2014 | AEIdeas.

      Why are superstars paid so much more than in the past?

      We all want the best. The best surgeon, the best TV shows, our favourite sports team, and the best lawyer. We will pay top dollar to get these stars.

      In the last few decades, the top performers in many fields have earned extraordinarily large increases in wages, royalties and other forms of income. The top dogs in every field are paid many times more than the top dogs were paid a couple of decades ago.

      Sport is an obvious example where cricketers in the early 1970s were paid $200 a test, with six tests per season, but are now paid $1 million a year.

      In the past, a successful athlete might hope for an upper middle-class income and some savings for their retirement, which may come early due to injury.

      Now, the top athletes in the sports that get on television are seriously rich and are among the richest in the world – athletes and celebrities are genuine members of the top 1%.

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      This wage effect is called the superstar effect and is a major driver of income inequality in our time. Superstar wages and income arise in markets that have two characteristics:

      1. Every customer wants to enjoy the good supplied by the best producer; and

      2. The good or service is produced with a technology that makes it possible for the best producer to supply additional customer at a low cost.

      If it becomes much easier for the best of the best in a field to supply their services to a much larger market, these superstars will be paid a lot more than before.

      Two economists pioneered the analysis of the superstar wages. The first was Alfred Marshall in 1890; the second was Sherwin Rosen in 1981. Marshall used verbal reasoning; Rosen use sophisticated mathematics.

      Marshall’s explanation is easier to understand. Rosen’s mathematics allowed him to be credited for discovering and making sure that the phenomena of superstar wages stayed discovered by economists.

      Marshall, by the way, was a critic of mathematics. In 1906, he wrote about his skepticism regarding the use of mathematics in economics:

      [I had] a growing feeling in the later years of my work at the subject that a good mathematical theorem dealing with economic hypotheses was very unlikely to be good economics: and I went more and more on the rules –

      (1) Use mathematics as a shorthand language, rather than an engine of inquiry.

      (2) Keep to them till you have done.

      (3) Translate into English.

      (4) Then illustrate by examples that are important in real life.

      (5) Burn the mathematics.

      (6) If you can’t succeed in (4), burn (3). This last I did often.”

      Rosen was one of the greatest labour economists of this century. He examined the economics of superstars to determine why

      "relatively small numbers of people earn enormous amounts of money and seem to dominate the fields in which they engage.

      Rosen argued that in superstar markets:

      small differences in talent at the top of the distribution will translate into large differences in revenue… sellers of higher talent charge only slightly higher prices than those of lower talent, but sell much larger quantities; their greater earnings come overwhelmingly from selling larger quantities than from charging higher prices

      Those who have above-average talent should earn more because consumers prefer to do more business with them. Consumer preferences dictate that small differences in talent become magnified in large earnings differences. For example, if a surgeon were 10 percent more successful in saving lives, most would be willing to pay more than a 10 percent premium for his services.

      Preferences for the best are incapable of explaining the other aspect of the superstar phenomenon: the marked concentration of output (and rewards) on those few sellers who have the most talent.

      This something else is technology rather than by tastes. The key is in many instances, one consumer’s consumption of the service does not reduce its availability to other consumers.

      A performer or an author must put out more or less the same effort whether 10 or 1,000 or 1 million people show up in the (TV) audience or buy their book. This scale economy allows a few sellers to service the entire market – and the fewer that are needed to serve it, the more they can earn.

      This scale economy is limited without the technology to mass duplicate their performance. Films, radio, television, records and CDs and other changes in technology have increased the scope of each performer’s audience. The top performers can reach much larger markets at little additional cost in the digital age.

      Marshall had a very simple explanation for the superstar effect on wages, which had already emerged in the 19th century. Marshall explained that technology has greatly extended the power and reach of the most gifted performers.

      Marshall referred to the British opera singer Elizabeth Billington. She had a strong voice that did not have access to a microphone or amplifier in 1798, let alone to CDs and the Internet. Elizabeth Billington could only reach a small audience. This limited her ability to dominate the market in the way artists do today.

      The microphone was the first manifestation of the superstar effect in the entertainment industry. The architecture of theatres throughout the ages has spent an immense amount of time working out ways to amplify the voices of performers so more people could watch at little extra cost.

      Throughout the Industrial Revolution, technological changes would allow the best performers in a given field to serve bigger markets and reap a greater share of its revenue.

      A range of technological developments has largely favoured the very top performers in recent years.

      Each communications and information technology breakthrough allowed the very top entertainment acts to reach a larger fan base and a bigger share of concert revenue. The second-best are paid not much at all because everyone preferred to buy the best and can do so at a very low cost. The best of the best are, in consequence, handsomely rewarded.

      Hayek on social justice in the labour market

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      Piketty on inequality: views of the IGM economic experts

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      Question: The most powerful force pushing towards greater wealth inequality in the US since the 1970s is the gap between the after-tax return on capital and the economic growth rate?

      Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson have a simple explanation for why Piketty is wrong:

      But like Marx, Piketty goes wrong for a very simple reason. The quest for general laws of capitalism or any economic system is misguided because it is a-institutional.

      It ignores that it is the institutions and the political equilibrium of a society that determine how technology evolves, how markets function, and how the gains from various different economic arrangements are distributed.

      Despite his erudition, ambition, and creativity, Marx was ultimately led astray because of his disregard of institutions and politics. The same is true of Piketty.

      The impact of street capital on the labour market prospects of inner-city youth

      Dionissi Aliprantis wrote a superb paper on how the social skills developed to survive in the inner cities of America are not the skills that help you graduate from high school and get a job.

      In the NLSY97, 26% of black inner-city youth report seeing someone shot by age 12, and 43% of black inner-city youth report the same by age 18.

      The code of the street, the street smarted skills that inner-city black youth learn as teenagers to stay alive, do not pay off in regular society:

      growing up in the ’hood means learning to some degree the code of the streets, the prescriptions and proscriptions of public behaviour. He must be able to handle himself in public, and his parents, no matter how decent they are, may strongly encourage him to learn the rules

      The behaviours that do not help you survive in the street of the poor inner cities of America include include doing well in school, being civil to others, and speaking Standard English.

      These skills that are the antithesis of the code of the street are exactly the skills valued by employers, especially employers of low paid workers. Employers of the low paid essentially want to recruit people who are friendly and reliable.

      Dionissi Aliprantis found that exposure to street violence during childhood explains 20-35% of the high school dropout rate of inner-city youth.

      Compensating differentials at a great height

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      Minimum wage rates and unemployment

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