23 Aug 2020
by Jim Rose
in applied welfare economics, business cycles, economic growth, energy economics, environmental economics, global financial crisis (GFC), global warming, great recession, labour economics, labour supply, macroeconomics, politics - Australia, politics - New Zealand, politics - USA, poverty and inequality, Public Choice
Tags: climate alarmists, The fatal conceit
22 Aug 2020
by Jim Rose
in Austrian economics, comparative institutional analysis, constitutional political economy, development economics, economics of crime, economics of education, entrepreneurship, history of economic thought, human capital, income redistribution, industrial organisation, labour economics, labour supply, law and economics, Ludwig von Mises, Marxist economics, politics - Australia, politics - New Zealand, politics - USA, poverty and inequality, property rights, Public Choice, public economics, rentseeking
Tags: anti-market bias, economics of socialism, envy, pessimism bias, regressive left, The fatal conceit
21 Aug 2020
by Jim Rose
in Adam Smith, comparative institutional analysis, David Friedman, economics of education, history of economic thought, human capital, industrial organisation, labour economics, labour supply, occupational choice, poverty and inequality, property rights
Tags: moral hazard, signaling

JPE 1988
20 Aug 2020
by Jim Rose
in comparative institutional analysis, constitutional political economy, defence economics, development economics, economic history, economics of bureaucracy, economics of crime, economics of regulation, Gordon Tullock, growth disasters, growth miracles, history of economic thought, income redistribution, industrial organisation, international economics, labour economics, labour supply, law and economics, managerial economics, Marxist economics, organisational economics, property rights, Public Choice, rentseeking
Tags: South Korea, The Great Escape
20 Aug 2020
by Jim Rose
in discrimination, economics of bureaucracy, economics of education, human capital, labour economics, labour supply, law and economics, managerial economics, market efficiency, organisational economics, personnel economics, politics - New Zealand, Public Choice
Tags: political correctness, racial discrimination, regressive left, sex discrimination
19 Aug 2020
by Jim Rose
in economics of bureaucracy, economics of education, health economics, human capital, labour economics, labour supply, politics - New Zealand, Public Choice
Tags: economics of immigration, economics of pandemics, The fatal conceit, unintended consequences
18 Aug 2020
by Jim Rose
in development economics, discrimination, economic history, economics of crime, economics of education, gender, growth miracles, health economics, human capital, labour economics, labour supply, law and economics, minimum wage, occupational choice, poverty and inequality
Tags: crime and punishment, law and order, pessimism bias, political correctness, racial discrimination, regressive left, The Great Enrichment
16 Aug 2020
by Jim Rose
in applied price theory, applied welfare economics, business cycles, fiscal policy, macroeconomics, politics - USA, Public Choice, public economics, unemployment

From https://www.bradford-delong.com/2011/10/hoisted-from-the-archives-evaluating-fiscal-stimulus.html and see too https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB123423402552366409
At https://www.chicagobooth.edu/research/igm/events-forums/myron-scholes-forum/speaker-series/2009-01-16 Murphy says
Kevin Murphy sketched out a simple equation—into which anyone could easily plug their own assumptions—to compare the benefits and costs of stimulus spending. The advantage, he argued, is the equation helps everyone to be clear about exactly what they are assuming and why it supports their approach to the stimulus. According to Murphy, the main items everyone should be clear about are: the fraction of the economy’s resources that are idle; the value of keeping those resources idle (e.g., most people value their time, and will not work without compensation); the deadweight loss from raising taxes in the future to pay for the spending; and the cost of allocating spending through government, if it is allocated less efficiently as a result (this can be negative —i.e., a benefit—if government is better than the private sector at allocating resources).
Murphy did not consider the stimulus a good proposal, but he explained how his assumptions about each element of his framework differed from those of president-elect Obama’s team. “It’s easy to see what you have to assume in order to make the stimulus make sense,” Murphy said. Regarding the tax cut measures in the stimulus plan, Murphy thought they were designed in an especially inefficient way. Since marginal tax rates are what matter for incentives, he argued, it was not helpful that the Obama plan would give tax cuts in the form of direct credits to certain taxpayers without lowering rates. That the president would likely address the resulting deficit by raising rates in the future would exacerbate the problem.
And Robert Lucas adds
Robert Lucas pointed out that the US economy was already 4 percent below its long-term trend level in January 2008. In addition, consensus forecasts—which “mean a lot” over short horizons such as a year—suggested the economy would be 8 percent below after another year. This would be larger than any other postwar recession, though nowhere near as bad as the 30 percent gap in the 1930s. “It’s not the worst in my lifetime, but it’s the worst in Obama’s,” Lucas said, “and it would be foolish not to take some actions to deal with it.”
Monetary measures to deal with the recession make a lot of sense, said Lucas, who added that many of the Fed’s actions were beneficial. The trouble was the fiscal stimulus did not seem designed to deal with the real problem. A good approach, Lucas said, would be to use the fiscal stimulus “as another way of getting cash into circulation in the private sector.” He mentioned hypothetical examples that Milton Friedman—dropping money from helicopters—and John Maynard Keynes—paying people to dig and refill ditches—had posed as ways of achieving this. “If fiscal stimuli are designed to be effective, they’re going to be effective because they carry along a monetary policy of the sort that raises the dollar spending level,” Lucas said. Based on the plans and information he had seen from president-elect Obama’s advisors, however, Lucas said that this did not seem to be what the new administration was planning. Instead, he said, “all they’re talking about is transferring resources, additional levels of spending, from one use to another,” which, he argued, would have no substantial effect on the average level of spending and thus would not help fight the recession.
15 Aug 2020
by Jim Rose
in discrimination, economics of education, human capital, income redistribution, labour economics, law and economics, occupational choice, politics - USA, poverty and inequality, Public Choice, rentseeking
Tags: affirmative action, racial discrimination, regressive left
14 Aug 2020
by Jim Rose
in discrimination, economics of education, entrepreneurship, gender, human capital, income redistribution, industrial organisation, labour economics, labour supply, law and economics, occupational choice, occupational regulation, poverty and inequality, property rights, survivor principle, Thomas Sowell, unemployment, welfare reform
Tags: child poverty, family poverty, pessimism bias
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