Does Inequality Reduce Economic Growth: A Sceptical View

Tim Taylor, the editor of the Journal of Economic Perspectives, has written a superb blog post on why we should be sceptical about a strong relationship between inequality and economic growth. Taylor was writing in response to the OECD’s recent report "In It Together: Why Less Inequality Benefits All,".

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Taylor’s basic point is economists have enough trouble working out what causes economic growth so trawling within that subset of causes to quantify the effects of rising or falling inequality inequality seems to be torturing the data to confess. The empirical literature is simply inconclusive as Taylor says:

A variety of studies have undertaken to prove a connection from inequality to slower growth, but a full reading of the available evidence is that the evidence on this connection is inconclusive.

Most discussions of the link between inequality and growth are notoriously poor of theories connecting two. There are three credible theories in all listed in the OECD’s report:

The report first points out (pp. 60-61 that as a matter of theory, one can think up arguments why greater inequality might be associated with less growth, or might be associated with more growth. For example, inequality could result less growth if:

1) People become upset about rising inequality and react by demanding regulations and redistributions that slow down the ability of an economy to produce growth;

2) A high degree of persistent inequality will limit the ability and incentives of those in the lower part of the income distribution to obtain more education and job experience; or

3) It may be that development and widespread adoption of new technologies requires demand from a broad middle class, and greater inequality could limit the extent of the middle class.

About the best theoretical link between inequality and economic growth is what Taylor calls the "frustrated people killing the goose that lays the golden eggs." Excessive inequality within a society results in predatory government reactions at the behest of left-wing or right-wing populists.

Taylor refers to killing the goose that laid the golden egg as dysfunctional societal and government responses to inequality. He is right but that is not how responses to inequality based on higher taxes and more regulation are sold. Thomas Piketty is quite open about he wants a top tax rate of 83% and a global wealth tax to put an end to high incomes:

When a government taxes a certain level of income or inheritance at a rate of 70 or 80 percent, the primary goal is obviously not to raise additional revenue (because these very high brackets never yield much).

It is rather to put an end to such incomes and large estates, which lawmakers have for one reason or another come to regard as socially unacceptable and economically unproductive…

The left-wing parties don’t say let’s put up taxes and redistribute so that is not something worse and more destructive down the road. Their argument is redistribution will increase growth or at least not harm it. That assumes the Left is addressing this issue of not killing the goose that lays the golden egg at all.

Once you discuss the relationship between inequality and growth in any sensible way you must remember your John Rawls. Incentives encourage people to work, save and invest and channels them into the occupations where they make the most of their talents. Taylor explains:

In the other side, inequality could in theory be associated with faster economic growth if: 1) Higher inequality provides greater incentives for people to get educated, work harder, and take risks, which could lead to innovations that boost growth; 2) Those with high incomes tend to save more, and so an unequal distribution of income will tend to have more high savers, which in turn spurs capital accumulation in the economy.

Taylor also points out that the OECD’s report is seriously incomplete by any standards because it fails to mention that inequality initially increases in any poor country undergoing economic development:

The report doesn’t mention a third hypothesis that seems relevant in a number of developing economies, which is that fast growth may first emerge in certain regions or industries, leading to greater inequality for a time, before the gains from that growth diffuse more widely across the economy.

At a point in its report, the OECD owns up to the inconclusive connection between economic growth and rising inequality as Taylor notes:

The large empirical literature attempting to summarize the direction in which inequality affects growth is summarised in the literature review in Cingano (2014, Annex II).

That survey highlights that there is no consensus on the sign and strength of the relationship; furthermore, few works seek to identify which of the possible theoretical effects is at work. This is partly tradeable to the multiple empirical challenges facing this literature. 

The OECD’s report responds to this inclusiveness by setting out an inventory of tools with which you can torture the data to confess to what you want as Taylor notes:

There’s an old saying that "absence of evidence is not evidence of absence," in other words, the fact that the existing evidence doesn’t firmly show a connection from greater inequality to slower growth is not proof that such a connection doesn’t exist.

But anyone who has looked at economic studies on the determinants of economic growth knows that the problem of finding out what influences growth is very difficult, and the solutions aren’t always obvious.

The chosen theory of the OECD about the connection between inequality and economic growth is inequality leads to less investment in human capital at the bottom part of the income distribution.

[Inequality] tends to drag down GDP growth, due to the rising distance of the lower 40% from the rest of society. Lower income people have been prevented from realising their human capital potential, which is bad for the economy as a whole

I found this choice of explanation curious. So did Taylor as the problem already seems to have been solved:

There are a few common patterns in economic growth. All high-income countries have near-universal K-12 public education to build up human capital, along with encouragement of higher education. All high-income countries have economies where most jobs are interrelated with private and public capital investment, thus leading to higher productivity and wages.

All high-income economies are relatively open to foreign trade. In addition, high-growth economies are societies that are willing to allow and even encourage a reasonable amount of disruption to existing patterns of jobs, consumption, and ownership. After all, economic growth means change.

In New Zealand, interest free student loans are available to invest in higher education as well as living allowances for those with parents on a low income. There are countries in Europe with low levels of investment in higher education but that’s because of high income taxes not because of inequality.

The OECD’s report is fundamentally flawed which is disappointing because most research from the OECD is to a good standard.

via CONVERSABLE ECONOMIST: Does Inequality Reduce Economic Growth: A Skeptical View.

The rise and rise of working billionaires

via Most of the world’s billionaires didn’t inherit their wealth — they earned it | Business Insider.

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There are no Liberal Republicans and Conservative Democrats any more

Land use regulation knocks 10 points of US GDP!

Bloomberg Business highlighted a great new study by Enrico Moretti on power of the regulatory restrictions on land supply to destroy wealth.

Moretti focused on the impact that restrictions on land supply have on the ability of workers to move to higher productivity cities. Moretti is the second best urban economist working at the moment. The best is Ed Glaeser. Moretti concluded that

A limited number of American workers can have access to these very high-productivity cities

He concluded that a more efficient distribution would be “a general benefit for the entire economy.”

The secret of his analysis was to look at how different US cities, the high productivity cities, contributed to national economic growth. He then explore the implications of fewer and fewer workers been able to move to these cities to take advantage of the great productive potential. The barrier to them moving was high housing prices and high rents.

For example, labour productivity grew quickly in San Francisco, New York and San Jose overt 45-years. All of these cities are famous for their human capital-intensive industries including technology and finance. These cities weren’t America’s growth engine:

The reason is that the main effect of the fast productivity growth in New York, San Francisco, and San Jose was an increase in local housing prices and local wages, not in employment.

Despite the large difference in local GDP growth between New York, San Jose, and San Francisco and the Rust Belt cities, both groups of cities had roughly the same contribution to aggregate output growth.

The drivers of US growth between 1964 and 2009 were southern U.S. cities and 19 other large cities. These cities attracted many residents because of good weather and abundant supply of cheap housing.

The lesson both the US and for New Zealand, and Auckland in particular, is this reallocation of population away from the expensive cities with restricted land supply reduced national output because these population movements bring workers to cities "where the marginal product of labour is low."

In a technology boom town such as San Francisco, it is now what like New Zealand will be as Generation Rent runs its course – 65% of residents are renters:

Over the past year, the City and County of San Francisco boasted the second strongest labour market in the nation, adding 25,000 new jobs. Yet only 2,548 new housing units were permitted and even fewer were built.

Just think: 25,000 new workers and their families have been knocking on San Francisco doors, but there are new units for less than 10 percent of them. It is not surprising that apartment prices get bid up.

In yet another victory for the top 1% and neoliberalism, they pay most of of the income tax in the USA

Taxpayers in every country should get one of these charts

Gordon Tullock on security of tenure in democracies and dictatorships

The-problem-of

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UKIP are a bunch of fellow travellers

In another neo-liberal victory, health and welfare spending shares have doubled in the last 50 years

Median income by race in America

IncomeAsian

via Saturday morning links – AEI | Carpe Diem Blog » AEIdeas.

The UK Greens tax and spending plans

via Manifesto Check: Greens go big on environment but what’s the political end game?.

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The social cost of high company tax rates is just too high

https://www.facebook.com/taxfoundation/photos/a.141113818864.103390.19219803864/10152768107383865/?type=3&src=https%3A%2F%2Fscontent.xx.fbcdn.net%2Fhphotos-xaf1%2Fv%2Ft1.0-9%2F10986904_10152768107383865_2982548121927461497_n.png%3Foh%3D4466db0d4def66a6cf8db895f1ecb037%26oe%3D55D80373&size=850%2C522&fbid=10152768107383865

Still further evidence of the rise and rise of the working rich

Be careful for what you wish for when you call for moderation and bipartisanship in politics

Lessons for New Zealand from Bob Hawke’s promise that no child need live in poverty by 1990

A local doctor thinks we can abolish child poverty in New Zealand with $1 billion in increases to welfare benefits and family allowances.

During the 1987 Australian Federal election campaign, Labour Party Prime Minister Bob Hawke announced a Family Allowance Supplement that would ensure no Australian child need live in poverty by 1990.

Child poverty was to be no more in Australia by 1990. These changes in social welfare benefits and family allowance supplements would ensure that every family would be paid one per week dollar more than the poverty threshold applicable to their family situation. I know child poverty was to be done in this way because I worked in the Prime Minister’s Department at this time.

Bob Hawke was not a man for admitting error, most certainly was not, but he admitted that this promise was his greatest error – his pledge that no child will need live in poverty by 1990:

It was a silly shorthand thing,” Mr Hawke has told News Limited newspapers. “I should have just said what was in the distributed speech.” “We set ourselves this first goal: by 1990 no Australian child will be living in poverty,” Mr Hawke said on June 23, 1987 at an election campaign launch. The comment entered Australian political folklore after it was supposed to improve the ALP’s major social welfare reform. The printed version had it as: “By 1990 no Australian child need live in poverty.” Mr Hawke’s words returned to haunt him as his pledge was impossible to keep.

About 580,000 Australian children lived in poverty in 1987. In 2007, at least 13 per cent of children, or 730,000 people, were poor. This was after social welfare benefits and family allowance supplements were increased to $1 above the child poverty threshold.

There is an infallible test of the practicality of Left over Left dreams such as the abolition of child poverty by writing bigger and bigger cheques to those currently poor.

If you could abolish child poverty simply by increasing welfare benefits and family allowances, the centre-right parties would be all over it like flies to the proverbial as a way of camping over the middle ground and winning the votes of socially conscious swinging voters for decades to come. Many people who would naturally vote for the centre-right parties on all other issues vote over to centre-left parties out of a concern for poverty and a belief that centre-left parties will give a better deal to the poor.

Countries all round the world have attempted to buy their way out of poverty by lifting welfare benefits and family allowance rates with no success. Simon Chapple is also quite clear that social welfare benefits reduce the incentive to work.

The payment of welfare benefits to families who do not work creates a number of potential issues. Firstly, as it guarantees an income to people not in paid employment, including those with children, it creates incentives not to work. While theoretically indisputable, much debate surrounds how large this effect is in practice, and how best to offset it.

There is child poverty in northern European and Scandinavia despite the most generous possible welfare states. Most of this child poverty is among single parent families in all industrialised countries.

Around 60 percent of New Zealand children in poverty are in social welfare beneficiary households, and most of these are sole-parent households.

Child poverty rates are lower in the Nordic states but the Nordic states expectation that mothers will return to the workforce rapidly – when their child is 1 to 3 years old. Employment is front and centre in the Nordic welfare state strategy to reduce child poverty.

The notion that poverty is simply the result of a lack of money and giving people more money will abolish child poverty has never worked. As the OECD (2009, p. 171) observed:

It would be naïve to promote increasing the family income for children through the tax-transfer system as a cure-all to problems of child well-being.

The only major success in reducing beneficiary numbers anywhere has been time limits in the USA in 1996. Time limits on welfare for single parents reduced caseloads by two thirds, 90% in some states.

After the 1996 US Federal welfare reforms, the subsequent declines in welfare participation rates and gains in employment were largest among the single mothers previously thought to be most disadvantaged: young (ages 18-29), mothers with children aged under seven, high school drop-outs, and black and Hispanic mothers. These low-skilled single mothers were thought to face the greatest barriers to employment. Blank (2002) found that:

…nobody of any political persuasion predicted or would have believed possible the magnitude of change that occurred in the behaviour of low-income single-parent families.

Employment are never married mothers increased by 50% after the US well for a reforms: employment a single mothers with less than a high school education increased by two thirds: employment on-going single mothers string ages of 18 in 24 approximately doubled. With the enactment of welfare reform in 1996, black child poverty fell by more than a quarter to 30% in 2001. Over a six-year period after welfare reform, 1.2 million black children were lifted out of poverty. In 2001, despite a recession, the poverty rate for black children was at the lowest point in national history.

This great success of US welfare reforms was after a quarter of six century of no progress, poverty among single mothers and among black children declined dramatically.

The best solution to child poverty is to move their parents into a job. Simon Chapple is also quite clear in his book last year with Jonathan Boston that a sole parent in full-time work, and a two parent family with one earner with one full-time and one part-time worker, even at low wages, will earn enough to lift their children above most poverty thresholds. Welfare benefits trap children in poverty.

Sustained full-time employment of sole parents and the fulltime and part-time employment of two parents, even at low wages, are sufficient to pull the majority of children above most poverty lines, given the various existing tax credits and family supports.

The best available analysis, the most credible analysis, the most independent analysis in New Zealand or anywhere else in the world that having a job and marrying the father of your child is the secret to the leaving poverty is recently by the Living Wage movement in New Zealand.

According to the calculations of the Living Wage movement, earning only $19.25 per hour with a second earner working only 20 hours affords their two children, including a teenager, Sky TV, pets, international travel, video games and 10 hours childcare. This analysis of the Living Wage movement shows that finishing school so your job pays something reasonable and marrying the father of your child affords a comfortable family life.

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