How the first world war changed the world

The wisdom of Homer Simpson: peak oil, oil pollution and the price at the pump

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Is the living wage a form of indirect sex discrimination?

The living wage will certainly be to the profit of incumbent workers at the time of the wage increase but that is provided that their employer stays in business. The introduction of a living wage will result in indirect sex discrimination because of the higher job turnover rates of women. Women also have shorter average job tenures than men in any particular job.

Source: Worker turnover rate in New Zealand by sex – Figure.NZ.

Any benefit premised on not quitting jobs discriminates against women because of their higher job quit rates. More women than men will have to quit living wage jobs because of motherhood and other changes in their personal circumstances. Isn’t that discrimination?

One in six workers change their jobs every year. That job turnover rate is higher among the workers with less human capital simply because both sides of the job match have less reasons to continue. A job quit or job layoff for a less skilled worker does not result as much of a loss of job specific and firm specific human capital than would be the case if the worker was more skilled with more firm-specific human capital.

One of the iconic empirical facts of the labour market is job turnover rates are higher and job layoff rates are higher for less skilled workers. As workers acquire more job specific human capital, they are more reluctant to quit and their employer hesitate before laying them off. This is because of the firm specific human capital which both invested would have to be written off.

Women quit jobs more often than men, work part-time or switch between part-time and full-time work more often than men and enter and re-enter to the workforce because of motherhood and maternity leave. Women also tend to invest in more generalised, more mobile human capital. Women anticipate a more intermittent labour force participation and more spells of part-time work. As such, women have less reasons to invest in specific human capital if they anticipate leaving because of motherhood and either changing jobs more often are working part-time. If you are changing jobs more often, such as women do, investing in more general human capital and less in specific capital increases options when searching for vacancies.

Any benefit of the living wage will erode faster for women because they quit jobs at a higher rate than men. Is this indirect sex discrimination? This higher job turnover rate is driven by human capital investment strategies and career plans. The living wage, which privileges the incumbent workers at the time the living wage increases implemented, discriminates against female workers because they change jobs more often or are likely to quit sooner after the living wage was initially implemented.

The particular form of indirect sex discrimination at hand arises from the Golden Handcuffs effect of the living wage. Closer Together Whakatata Mai – reducing inequalities explain the Golden Handcuffs effect this way:

You may have noticed in the article it is actually the SAME people being paid the living wage (“all of them have stayed on as staff”). This is how labour markets can work if employers make different choices. If you look at the Living Wage employers – they haven’t hired a whole new set of people – they have invested in the people they already have. The world has not ended and many more people are happy and businesses and organisations are doing just fine.

Even the proponents of the living wage admit that a living wage increase will segment the labour market and create insiders and outsiders with the insiders paid more than what used to be called the reserve army in the unemployed by the same crowd of activists. A reduction in job turnover will increase unemployment durations because there are fewer vacancies posted every period.

Hopefully all the existing employees of the living wage employer are capable of the requisite up skilling they need to match their new productivity targets. Not everyone did well at school. One of the reasons workers on low wages are on those low wages because they perhaps didn’t do as well at school as activists who appointed themselves to speak for them. A harsh reality of life is 50% of the population have below-average IQs.

This up skilling answer to the cost to employers of a living wage increase is a variation of the standard policy response in a labour market crisis. That standard labour market policy response in crisis is send them on a course. Sending them on a course as a response to a crisis makes you look like you care and by the time they graduate the problem will probably have fixed itself. Most problems do. I found this bureaucratic response to labour market crises to repeat itself over and over again while working in the bureaucracy.

The reason was sending them on a course was so popular with geeks as yourself sitting at your desk as a policy analysis, minister or political activist all did well at university. You assume others will do well through further education and training including those who have neither the ability or aptitude to succeed in education. People don’t go on from high school to higher education for a range of reasons that include a lack of motivation to study or a simple lack of ability no matter how hard they try.

The living wage hypothesis about reduced turnover, up-skilling and greater motivation is a small example of the American company that decided to pay a minimum wage of $70,000 a year. Those workers who cannot earn as much of this elsewhere would never quit. Some of his better employers quit because they resented being paid the same as less productive employees. Hopefully, the minority shareholder suing his brother who is the CEO for offering that above market wage doesn’t end up bankrupting the company. As such, the incumbent workers’ fortunes are unusually closely tied to their existing employer if they are paying above the going rate in their industry and occupation.

I suppose you could hold on like grim death but women tend to have more reasons to move on than men if only because of pregnancy and motherhood. These golden handcuffs are of less value to them than to men. Younger workers are also less advantaged because many young New Zealanders take a overseas working holiday of several years, if not more. If they have a living wage job now that have to give up that advantage.

Workers who lack the labour productivity to earn a wage equivalent of the living wage elsewhere will never quit a living wage job, and will have a much reduced incentive to up-skill or seek promotion. There will be less internal reward for undertaking additional training or job responsibilities among low skilled is because the living wage will mean they will not get a wage rise. That wage rise is gobbled up by the living wage increase if you’re already a low-paid worker.

Naturally, as vacancies arise, recruits will be drawn from a much higher quality recruitment attracted by the higher wage at the living wage employer. The less skilled workers who don’t currently work for the living wage employer will miss out completely.

@GreenpeaceNZ @RusselNorman Can We Rely on Wind and Solar Energy? @NZGreens

@economicpolicy Top incomes and the decline of unions in the US, UK, Australia and New Zealand

The Left in the USA and the UK like to show correlations between top incomes and the decline of union membership.

I thought I would check how this hypothesis travelled to European offshoots such as Australia and New Zealand. For example, in the USA, top income shares have been increasing while union membership has been in decline since 1960.

Source: OECD Stat and Top Incomes Database.

Source: OECD Stat and Top Incomes Database.

In the UK, the relationship between union membership and top incomes is gentler than in the USA.

Source: OECD Stat and Top Incomes Database.

Source: OECD Stat and Top Incomes Database.

Moving down under, the relationship between top incomes and union membership is non-existent in New Zealand.

Source: OECD Stat and Top Incomes Database.

Source: OECD Stat and Top Incomes Database.

The same pretty much goes for Australia in terms of no relationship between top incomes in union membership to extent that this relationship is anything more than a spurious correlation.

Source: OECD Stat and Top Incomes Database.

Source: OECD Stat and Top Incomes Database.

New Zealand is as rich as Mississippi on a PPP basis

Did the New Zealand film industry just eat our lunch? By Jason Potts

James Cameron is going to film the next three instalments of the Avatar franchise in New Zealand. He promises to spend at least NZ$500 million, employ thousands of Kiwis, host at least one red-carpet event, include a NZ promotional featurette in the Avatar DVDs, and will personally serve on a bunch of Film NZ committees, and probably even bring scones, all in return for a 25% rebate on any spending he and his team do in the country (up from a 20% baseline to international film-makers) that is being offered by the New Zealand Government.

The implication that many media reports are running with is that this is a loss to the Australian film industry, that we should be fighting angry, and that we should hit back at this brilliantly cunning move by the Kiwi’s by increasing our film industry rebates, which currently are about 16.5% (these include the producer and location offsets, and the post, digital and visual effects offset) to at very least 30%. These rebates cost tax-payers A$204 million in 2012, which hardly even buys you a car industry these days.

So what are the economics of this sort of industry assistance? Is this something we should be doing a whole lot more of? Was the NZ move to up the rebate especially brilliant? First, note that James Cameron has substantial property interests in New Zealand already, so this probably wasn’t as up for grabs as we might think. But if that’s how the New Zealand taxpayers want to spend their money, that’s up to them. The issue is should we follow suit?

The basic economics of this sort of give-away is the concept of a multiplier “”), which is the theory that an initial amount of exogenous spending becomes someone else’s income, which then gets spent again, creating more income, and so on, creating jobs and exports and all sorts of “economic benefits” along the way.

People who believe in the efficacy of Keynesian fiscal stimulus also believe in the existence of (>1) multipliers. Consultancy-based “economic impact” reports do their magic by assuming greater-than-one multipliers (or equivalently, a high marginal propensity to consume coupled with lots of dense sectoral linkages). With a multiplier greater than one, all government spending is magically transformed into “investment in Australian jobs”.

So the real question is: are multipliers actually greater-than-one? That’s an empirical question, and the answer is mostly no. (And if you don’t believe my neoliberal bluster, the progressive stylings of Ben Eltham over at Crikey more or less make the same point.)

But to get this you have to do the economics properly, and not just count the positive multipliers, but also account for the loss of investment in other sectors that didn’t take place because it was artificially re-directed into the film sector, which no commissioned impact study ever does.

This is why economists have a very low opinion of economic impact studies, which are to economics what astrology is to physics.

What does make for a good domestic film industry then? Look again at New Zealand, and look beyond the great Weta Studios in Wellington, for Australia and Canada both have world-class production studios and post-production facilities. Look beyond New Zealand’s natural scenery, for Vancouver is an easy match for New Zealand and Australia pretty much defines spectacular.

No, the simple comparison is that New Zealand is about 20% cheaper than Australia and 30% cheaper than Canada. New Zealand has lower taxes, easy employment conditions and relatively light regulations (particularly around insurance and health and safety). It’s just easier to get things done there.

If Australia really wants to boost its film industry, it might look more closely at labour market restrictions (including minimum wages) and regulatory burden and worry less about picking taxpayer pockets and bribing foreigners.

This article was originally published on The Conversation in December 2013. Read the original article. Republished under the a Creative Commons Attribution No Derivatives licence.

Cuts in spending less costly than tax increases @jeremycorbyn @johnmcdonnellMP

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The low skilled won’t be hired for living wage jobs @nmjyoung @EtuUnion @WellingtonMayor @FIRST_Union

The upshot of the Wellington City Council paying a living wage to employees and including those of sub-contractors is over time the composition of their low skilled labour force will change. The Council will recruit people who can earn in other jobs $19.25. Workers who don’t have the capability of producing at that level of productivity will never be interviewed.

The Council is required by law to recruit on merit and to be a good employer. Workers who would never have previously applied for Wellington City Council jobs covered by the living wage decision because they can earn better pay elsewhere will now do so because of the higher pay of these council jobs.

These higher skilled workers will crowd out the lower skilled workers that currently apply for the low paid jobs covered by the upcoming living wage increase. The workers with the type of skills that currently win those jobs covered by the living wage increase will not be shortlisted because the quality of the recruitment pool will increase because of the living wage. There will be an influx of more skilled workers attracted by the higher wages for council jobs because of the living wage policy. They will go to the head of the queue and displaced workers who currently apply for and win those council jobs.

A living wage is an exclusionary policy where ordinary workers, often with families who are not productive enough to produce $19.25 per hour plus overheads will never be interviewed by the Wellington City Council or council subcontractors for a job covered by the living wage increase.

In a cruel twist of fate, because the council is implementing its living wage on 1 July 2016, higher quality workers will start applying for jobs covered by the living wage increase now. This will further reduce the number of initial beneficiaries of the living wage increase. Council workers recruited between now on 1 July 2016 will be applying in anticipation of that increase.

The living wage adopted by the Wellington City Council is a classic case of rent capitalisation. With the council paying over the odds for a job, workers will have every incentive to compete for the higher wages. The most obvious way of winning that race for these limited number of higher paying jobs is to be a more productive worker than the other job applicants.

The living wage jobs will attract a higher quality pool of job applicants. These higher quality job applicants who would not otherwise applied but for the living wage will outcompete existing low skilled low paid workers who would otherwise benefited from the living wage increase. In some cases, these higher quality, more skilled recruits will be taking a job at the Council or its contractors covered by the living wage increase on much the same pay as they command anywhere else in the labour market. As such, ratepayers are paying about 20% more for no reduction in poverty.

The existing employees of the Wellington City Council and its subcontractors will be locked into golden handcuffs. Workers who lack the labour productivity to command a wage equivalent of the living wage elsewhere in the job market will never quit. Wellington City Council employees covered by the living wage will also have a much reduced incentive to up-skill will seek promotion. There will be no internal reward for undertaking additional training or job responsibilities among low skilled is because the living wage will mean they will not get a wage rise at the Council.

The windfall gains to the current low paid council employees but no future council employees illustrate the folly of a living wage policy at the Wellington City Council. Some of these existing Wellington City Council employees will have children so child poverty rates may improve. That is all that will be gained for a permanent increase of about 20% in the price paid for council services.

Because of the change in the recruitment pool for all future vacancies, the impact on the poverty rates among future council employees will be minimal. These recruits to future council vacancies covered by the living wage increase will be recruited from other jobs where they already earn a similar pay to the living wage paid at the Council. Ratepayers will pay about 20% more for services in return for a small reduction in child poverty among its existing council employees.

As these existing employees move on, and they will one day, ratepayers will continue to pay about 20% more until either the Council sees the errors of its ways or the policy is overturning on judicial review. There will be no reduction in family poverty because new recruits are switching to the Council for the usual wage premium from moving to one job to another and that’s it. As the existing council employees leave, any child poverty reduction from the living wage policy will fade to zero.

As mentioned, potential recruits who are productive enough to earn a competitive market wage equal to the living wage level in their existing jobs will be the most qualified applicants. The best of these higher quality applicants will fill future council vacancies covered by the living wage policy. Workers who are not productive enough to earn the living wage in other jobs simply won’t be shortlisted for council jobs. The Council must by law hire the best qualified applicant for any vacancy.

Source: Peter Kolesar, Garrett van Rysin and Wayne Cutler.

Any extra labour productivity from a living wage at the Wellington City Council is in doubt because low skilled service sectors are notorious for their low potential for productivity gains. They are the bread-and-butter of Baumol’s disease.

Source: Chris Rauchle.

It’s kicking the Wellington City Council when it is down to mention that low paid workers with families will lose a considerable part of the living wage increase because of reductions in their family tax credits – reductions in the Working for Families in-work tax credit. Any living wage increase at the Wellington City Council is the subject of multiple clawbacks by IRD. There is income tax, a 25% abatement rate on Working for Families tax credits on any family income above about $36,000 and 15% GST. All in all, the transfer out of the pockets of ratepayers to IRD would be at least one-third.

I have not included any accommodation supplement, childcare subsidy or community services card the low paid worker is receiving from WINZ. The winding back of these social benefits to the low paid worker and his or her family is a pointless transfer from Wellington City ratepayers to the national taxpayer.

It will be kicking Wellington City Council even further to remind of the enforcement and compliance costs of living wage ordinances in the USA at the city level.

The Wellington City Council this week acted against legal advice to require contractors under joint services agreements with other councils in the Wellington region to pay employees who work within the boundaries of Wellington city the living wage. The American cities had to define the minimum number of hours in a day that minimum wage workers who are mobile for their jobs had to spend within their city limits before their employer was subject to their living wage ordinance.

It is standard to put forward an efficiency wage argument for a living wage. The higher wage paid as result of the introduction of the living wage will motivate workers to work harder and cheer each other on.

Source: John Horton.

These workers paid the efficiency wage will require less supervision because under an efficiency wage, a rate of pay that is more than the going rate for their skills and experience with other employers and in other industries and occupations, these workers paid the efficiency wage have more to lose if disciplined or dismissed. By the way, the theory of the efficiency wages is an American theory where there is employment at will.

This additional effort and greater motivation from the efficiency wage, from the above market rate of pay, will reduce the costs of supervision to the employer of teams of employees as well as increase output per worker. This is supposed to offset some of the costs of the living wage increase.

At bottom, this efficiency wage hypothesis is entrepreneurs are unaware of the higher quality and greater self-motivation of better paid recruits for vacancies but wise bureaucrats and farsighted politicians notice these gaps in the market. Bureaucrats and politicians notice these gaps in the market before those who gain from superior entrepreneur alertness to hitherto untapped opportunities for profit do so and instead leave that money on the table.

I won’t mention that many of the modern theories of the firm focus, in part or in full on reducing opportunistic behaviour, cheating and fraud in employment relationships. The cost of discovering prices and making and enforcing contracts and getting what you pay for are central to the Coase’s theory of the firm put forward in 1937.

In Barzel’s (1982) theory of the firm, measurement costs drive the emergence and organisation of the firm. The firm arose to minimising the cost of measuring what is to be exchanged by bringing some of those measuring tasks in-house. Much of the organisation of the firm, including the degree of vertical and horizontal integration and many different forms of contracting are driven by ensuring owners and managers get what they pay for and are not overcharged through manipulation or cheating.

Alchian and Demsetz’s (1972) theory of the firm focused on moral hazard in team production. As they explain

Two key demands are placed on an economic organization-metering input productivity and metering rewards.

The main rationale in personnel economics from everything ranging from employer funding of retirement pensions to the structure of promotions and executive pay including stock options is around better rewarding self-motivating employees and reducing the costs of monitoring employee effort.

Source: Department of Labour (2009).

The profits of entrepreneurs for running a firm is directly linked from their successful policing of the efforts of employees and sub-contractors to ensure the team and each member perform as promised and individual rewards matched individual contributions (Alchian and Demsetz 1972; Barzel 1987). The entrepreneur is a residual claimant to the revenues of the firm net of paying all other inputs. Entrepreneurs must successfully police the contributions of their employers and contractors if they are to survive in competition. The better they are at this, the more the alert entrepreneur profits.

Every profit minded entrepreneur seeks to hire the group of workers with the lowest cost per unit of output produced by them. Those that do not will not survive in competition with more alert rivals. The trade-off between worker quality and wages in setting hiring standards is a routine entrepreneurial decision in every firm when recruiting:

Managers often say that their goal in hiring is to obtain the best quality workers. It sounds like a good idea, but is it? The most productive workers are also likely to be the most expensive. Should the goal instead be to hire the least expensive workers? …The best worker is not the cheapest, nor the most productive, but the one with the highest ratio of productivity to cost. We should hire as long as the marginal productivity of the last worker hired is greater than or equal to the cost of the worker.

Source: Lazear and Gibbs.

New Zealand child poverty compared internationally

Medsafe is a waste of time

Medsafe denied New Zealanders access to four drugs approved in comparable regulatory jurisdictions in the last three years. Medsafe rejected two other drugs in the last three years but these drugs were not approved in comparable jurisdictions. Doxorubicin Liposomal, chemotherapy drug, is not as yet actually refused, its application is pending. Medsafe is not involved in the funding of medicines; this is the responsibility of PHARMAC.

Source: data released 29 October 2015 pursuant to an Official Information Act request to the Ministry of Health.

What’s the point of this regulatory arm of the Ministry of Health? Is it a waste of space? Should not New Zealand automatically register any drug approved in the USA, UK, Canada, Australia or Germany? What can medical trials in New Zealand find out were not already found out overseas? Medsafe targets processing applications for the approval of new drugs in New Zealand to be done within 200 days. That’s 200 days too many.

It should be lawful under the Medicines Act 1981 to market any drug in New Zealand which any of Australia, UK, USA, Canada or Germany has approved for prescription to patients.

If economists have a bitter drinking song, a battle cry that unites the warring schools of economic thought all, it would be “how many people has the FDA killed today”. For example, drugs became available years after they were on the market outside the USA because of drug approval lags at the FDA. The dead are many. To quote David Friedman:

In 1981… the FDA published a press release confessing to mass murder. That was not, of course, the way in which the release was worded; it was simply an announcement that the FDA had approved the use of timolol, a ß-blocker, to prevent recurrences of heart attacks. At the time timolol was approved, ß-blockers had been widely used outside the U.S. for over ten years. It was estimated that the use of timolol would save from seven thousand to ten thousand lives a year in the U.S. So the FDA, by forbidding the use of ß-blockers before 1981, was responsible for something close to a hundred thousand unnecessary deaths.

In 1962, an amended law gave the FDA authority to judge if a new drug produced the results for which it had been developed. Formerly, the FDA monitored only drug safety. It previously had only sixty days to decide this. Drug trials can now take up to 10 years.

Sam Peltzman showed in a famous paper in 1973 that these 1962 amendments reduced the introduction of new drugs in the USA from an average of forty-three annually in the decade before the 1962 amendments to sixteen annually in the ten years afterwards. No increase in drug safety was identified.

Medsafe is a cost with no benefits to the New Zealand public. Medsafe has around 60 staff operating out of two offices, with centralised administrative functions, product approval and standard setting at the head office in Wellington.

How much of this budget of several million for Medsafe could be redirected to funding more life-saving and life changing drugs for use in New Zealand? This is rather than wasted on duplicating clinical trials already completed overseas or at the minimum duplicating regulatory approval processes, paperwork already completed overseas but not requiring a duplicate clinical trial in New Zealand.

At a minimum, the net benefits of the entire drug approval framework over the past three years in New Zealand is riding out on rejecting for approval half a dozen drugs, four of which are approved as safe in other comparable jurisdictions. That’s a pretty thin reed on which to hang a large budget that could be used by PHARMAC to fund life-saving drugs.

There should be a post box at the Ministry of Health to receive the certifications from overseas drug regulation agencies. Anything more is a deadly waste of taxpayers’ money.

My next round of Official Information Act requests will ask whether the minister and associate ministers of health were briefed on refusals of new medicines approved in other jurisdictions. Next I will ask:

  1. for any evidence that a separate regulatory authority for drug approvals in New Zealand has any benefits, and
  2. whether the Medsafe regime has ever been subject to a cost benefit analysis.

I have previously asked for information on drug approval lags. That was refused on the grounds I can look it up for myself on a rather complicated public database that requires knowledge of the names of medicines submitted for approval. Still mulling over what to do about that.

Real hourly minimum wage, PPP, USA, UK, Canada, New Zealand, Ireland, Germany, Australia and France before & after taxes, 2013

Source: OECD (2015), “Minimum wages after the crisis: Making them pay”.

Malcolm Turnbull sure is popular

https://twitter.com/Mark_Graph/status/658769666748346368/photo/1

@PeterDunneMP The dangerous political opportunism of the marijuana decriminalisation lobby

Associate Health Minister Peter Dunne was onto something when he pointed out that a number of those supporting the legalisation of medicinal cannabis oils are using it as a stalking horse to legalise the marijuana leaf.

After reading the wonderful investigation in Saturday’s Dominion Post, it’s quite clear that cannabis oil has nothing to do with marijuana liberalisation.

The Associate Health Minister pointed out on television yesterday that there is already one cannabis oil derivative product approved by Medisafe and available on prescription. It is open to any pharmaceutical company to submit any other cannabis oil and marijuana derivative medicine for approval. There will be a fair hearing.

Medical marijuana is already legal in New Zealand. Few cannabis oil and marijuana leaf derivatives have been approved under the Medicines Act because few have shown to be an effective medication.

Those campaigned for a marijuana law reform would do a lot of sick people a service by saying that the campaign from better access and government funding of cannabis oil and other marijuana derivatives is a separate issue from which they stand apart. They should be not trying to follow in medicinal cannabis deregulation to liberalise recreational use of marijuana.

The issues have nothing to do with each other. Those who want marijuana liberalisation should stand on their own political feet.

By infiltrating the medical marijuana lobby, their entryism slows any deregulation of the medicinal uses of cannabis oil and marijuana leaf because of slippery slope arguments.

The marijuana decriminalisation lobby should be honest and say that it happens to be a coincidence that marijuana has other constituents that have medicinal uses. They want to decriminalise marijuana because they just want to get high.

@arindube Vernon Smith on the cruelty of the minimum wage

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