Culture of Gowth: Origins of the Modern Economy
08 Aug 2016 Leave a comment
in behavioural economics, comparative institutional analysis, constitutional political economy, development economics, economic history, growth disasters, growth miracles, industrial organisation, law and economics, Public Choice Tags: industrial revolution, The Great Fact
Transition in Eastern Europe – Gary Becker and Ronald Coase
06 Aug 2016 Leave a comment
in applied price theory, applied welfare economics, comparative institutional analysis, constitutional political economy, defence economics, economics, Gary Becker, Ronald Coase Tags: transitional economies
McCloskey explains Modern Economic Growth
06 Aug 2016 Leave a comment
in applied price theory, applied welfare economics, comparative institutional analysis, constitutional political economy, development economics, economic history, economics, growth disasters, growth miracles Tags: Deirdre McCloskey, The Great Enrichment, The Great Escape, The Great Fact
Bill Maher on the Superiority of Western Values
31 Jul 2016 Leave a comment
in constitutional political economy, economics of religion, liberalism Tags: The Age of Enlightenment
Brad de Long on Marx and adapting to The Great Enrichment
30 Jul 2016 Leave a comment
in applied welfare economics, constitutional political economy, development economics, economic history, poverty and inequality

Source: Brad de Long, The Fall of the Soviet Union
A far right populist contradicts the median voter theorem
25 Jul 2016 Leave a comment
in constitutional political economy, politics - USA, Public Choice Tags: British politics, left-wing populism, Leftover Left, median voter theorem, right-wing popularism, Twitter left
Hanson, Trump, UKIP, Alternative for Germany, Marine Le Pen, and the anti-immigration but pro-welfare state populist parties in northern Europe are all smeared by the media as far right parties but also are described as right-wing populists. Media bias is still constrained by the median voter theorem.
You cannot be on the far right but win lots of votes because the extremes of the political spectrum account for few votes. What do you think left-wingers stay within the Labour Party despite wanting its leader to be tried for war crimes.
Even in proportional representation systems, few far right and far left party set up on their own two feet and survive because of thresholds to win seats. There are Communist parties in European parliaments but their representation is small except for the Bundestag.
You cannot get into the 2nd round of the French presidential election, come 2nd in 40 British Labour Party seats, win the safest Labour Party seats in Queensland, and be attacked from Ted Cruz from the right and still be a far right winger.
All right-wing populist parties combine that heady brew of nationalism,opposition to immigration and free trade, and staunch support of the welfare state. Not surprisingly, something like 40% of their votes come from the traditional labour parties and social democratic parties.
Countering their appeal to the electorate cannot start with saying that anyone who votes for them is weird because the secret ballot allow secret malice.
The left is surprisingly bad at playing catch-up in identity politics. As one UKIP supporter said, I am a white working class Englishmen not on the benefit so Labour does not speak for me.
An inquiry established by Labour’s former policy chief, Jon Cruddas, MP found that Labour needs to
“stop patronising socially conservative Ukip voters and recognise the ways in which Ukip appeals to former Labour voters”, the report says, adding: “Labour is becoming a toxic brand. It is perceived by voters as a party that supports an ‘open door’ approach to immigration, lacks credibility on the economy, and is a ‘soft touch’ on welfare spending.”
At present, the report argues, Labour is “largely a party of progressive, social liberals who value principles such as equality, sustainability, and social justice.
It is losing connection with large parts of the voter population who are either pragmatists in their voting habits or social conservatives who value family, work, fairness and their country.” It adds: “Labour is becoming dangerously out of touch with the electorate and … unwilling to acknowledge this growing estrangement.”
Gary Johnson: He’s Also Running | Full Frontal with Samantha Bee
24 Jul 2016 Leave a comment
in constitutional political economy, libertarianism, politics - USA Tags: 2016 presidential election
HT: Lise Rose
Last PMQ of #Thatcher #Blair #Cameron
22 Jul 2016 Leave a comment
in constitutional political economy, economics Tags: British politics
What do you expect to happen when you complain to your local MP?
20 Jul 2016 Leave a comment
in constitutional political economy
Nobody likes fixers or people getting ahead through political connections except when it is they themselves complaining to their local MP about a grievance. Complaining to your local MP is democracy in action.

The right to petition for a government for the redress of grievances is the oldest right ever claimed by an Englishman. It appears in every major constitutional document back to Bill of Rights of 1688 and the Magna Carta.
The US 1st Amendment not only is the right of free speech guaranteed, the right to petition for the redress of grievances is set separately guaranteed.
Anyone who has ever complained to an MP expects something to be done. At a minimum, a letter written on a proper reply received.
MPs made and lost their careers when speaking up for constituents. More than a few MPs have come across on immigration correspondence. That perception is they are asking favours even when all they were doing was pointing out that this person has a good-looking resume, people of note voucher of them and we will then be a decision soon and if so by date.
MPs have mounted great crusades on the behalf of an aggrieved constituent or worthy cause. In the criminal justice area, these can range from a wrongful conviction to the abolition of capital punishment was restoration too.
When you go to an MP and complain about crime, poor local schools or inadequate health services, you expect something to improve as a result. Not all the time. But at least some of the time.
When I worked in the Australian Prime Minister’s department, special care was taken to identify any letter from the Prime Minister’s own electorate so that he would reply personally.
Either Prime Minister Hawke or his long time private secretary Jean Sinclair would reply to letters from children. Some of these letters from children asked surprisingly penetrating questions.
MPs routinely lobby for services for various constituents and other organisations they favour. An MP, particularly independent and minor party MPs routinely trade their votes or support in the governing party caucus for all sorts favours.
But we still hate people getting favours through connections despite that is democracy in action as long as money does not change hands into the back pocket of the MP. Vote buying is democracy in action.
More on the @realdonaldtrump not being an extreme right winger
16 Jul 2016 Leave a comment
in constitutional political economy, politics - USA, Public Choice
Tullock vindicated by how the Romanian revolution succeeded
16 Jul 2016 Leave a comment
in applied price theory, comparative institutional analysis, constitutional political economy, defence economics, economics of bureaucracy, Gordon Tullock, Public Choice, rentseeking Tags: economics of revolutions, fall of communism, military coups, people power, Romania
The obituaries today for Victor Stanculescu, the Romanian army chief at the time of the 1989 revolution, vindicated Gordon Tullock’s view that popular revolutions are in fact military coups.
Tullock argues that any dictator can survive popular revolts as long as he has
- a secret police that is moderately competent and willing to torture and kill; and
- offers large rewards for informing on members his own entourage plotting to overthrow him.
Ordinary citizens obey dictators because if they don’t, they are highly unlikely to make any difference in any revolt and could get killed during the uprising even if it succeeds. Worse awaits them if the revolt fails.
Most dictators do not anoint a formal successor while they are in office. Tullock argued that as soon as a likely successor emerges, loyal retainers start to form alliances with that person and may see private advantage in bringing his anointed day forward.
More than a few autocrats were murdered in their sleep. To his very last day, Stalin locked his bedroom door because he did not trust the bodyguards who had been with him since the 1920s.
The role of street protests in the Arab Spring was to throw in the possibility of mutinies and desertions in the army and police. Previous alliances are thrown into doubt especially as the autocrat is old and sick, but had for many years grooming his 39 year-old son to inherit power.
Turning back to the Romanian revolution, Victor Stanculescu was the recently appointed army chief and initially stuck by the regime. He ordered the troops to open fire on protesters and at least 1000 died from in the shootings in the street.
In common with the Arab Spring, a large street protest did led him to reconsider his position:
Sniffing Mr. Ceausescu’s defeat, General Stanculescu quickly returned to Bucharest, where he faked a broken leg to avoid further counterrevolutionary deployment. Promoted to defense minister after the incumbent minister killed himself, he helped Mr. Ceausescu and his wife, Elena, flee by helicopter from the roof of party headquarters.
But fearing that the copter had been spotted by radar and would be shot down, the pilot hastily landed. Mr. Ceausescu hijacked a passing car, but he and his wife were soon surrounded and arrested.
After the couple were captured, General Stanculescu organized their trial by a military court and recruited the firing squad (before the verdict, by some accounts) that executed them on Christmas Day. He then joined the new government.
But for this late switch by the army chief, the popular revolt would never have succeeded. The army was needed to put down the still loyal security police. The army chief’s top priority was to execute Ceausescu as quickly as possible so that he was not a rallying point for a counter coup.
Ceausescu found out that his game was up when who he thought was his still loyal army chief arrived at his hideout with military judges to try and execute him.
About 10 years later, the Romanian government turned against the man who made the revolution and put him in prison for the many deaths in the street when he was on the side of the regime putting down the revolt.
Not so good an idea. A little bit of forgiveness carries a lot of weight encouraging late switching within the ruling elite and army that makes the difference to bringing down the old regime.
Why nations fail?
15 Jul 2016 Leave a comment
in constitutional political economy, development economics, growth disasters, law and economics, property rights, Public Choice
What was Maggie Thatcher’s greatest achievement?
13 Jul 2016 Leave a comment
in constitutional political economy, economic history, Public Choice
Lord Mandelson, another founder of New Labour, told The Independent:
Labour went through a near-death experience in the 1980s. We turned ourselves round but the effect of Margaret Thatcher was to remind the Labour Party that it had to listen to the public and not just its activist base in order to be re-elected. In particular, we had to speak to the aspirational working class to whom Lady Thatcher appealed and who we had to win back.

When a proper Marxist reviews Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right
12 Jul 2016 1 Comment
in constitutional political economy, politics - USA, Public Choice
The book Dark Money by jane Mayer on the influence of the Koch brothers and the reviews of the same were written stone cold sober. Two libertarian billionaires are a cabal that secretly rule the USA with hard right libertarian policies. The sense of alienation and powerless libertarians feel from the current political system is deeply mistaken if Mayer is to be believed. Libertarians secretly rule despite their minuscule numbers!
I only met a libertarian in person recently. Most people have never heard of libertarians or think they believe in sexual license. A number of libertarians do not know what a libertarian is because a good minority of them oppose marijuana decriminalisation.
There are no elected libertarian officeholders in the USA. The Australian libertarian senator was elected by the donkey vote in New South Wales. Voters confused his party name, the Liberal Democrats, with that of the Liberal party. Perhaps 20% of Liberal party voters do not know the correct name of the Liberal party.
Former New Mexico Republican governor and now libertarian presidential candidate Gary Johnson is attracting attention simply because Clinton and Trump are such appalling candidates. Previous libertarian presidential candidates have not got more than about half a percent of the vote in presidential campaigns.
There are libertarian minded senators such as Rand Paul and his father who was in the House of Representatives but they are but a handful. The Koch Brothers money had no success in pushing their names forward to true power in presidential primaries.
The Republican presidential primary candidate favoured by the Koch brothers, Governor Walker, dropped out before the Iowa caucuses despite having more money than the rest of the field.
Dark Money and its book reviews would have us believe that despite abysmal election results, libertarians still rule the roost. An example is the book review at the Guardian:
A veteran investigative reporter and a staff writer for the New Yorker, Mayer has combined her own research with the work of scores of other investigators, to describe how the Kochs and fellow billionaires like Richard Scaife have spent hundreds of millions to “move their political ideas from the fringe to the center of American political life”…
In the 2016 elections, the goal of the Koch network of contributors is to spend $889m, more than twice what they spent in 2012. Four years ago, because Obama had the most sophisticated vote-pulling operation in the history of American politics, and a rather lackluster opponent, a Democratic president was able to withstand such a gigantic financial onslaught. This time around, it’s not clear that any Democrat will be so fortunate.
Jane Mayer summarises her view relatively succinctly this way when discussing a study by Harvard academics of dark money
In essence, the Harvard study concludes, the Kochs and their allied donors have far financial influence over American politics that extends far beyond the Presidential race. They have acted as an ideological magnet, pulling the Republican Party far to the right on economic issues, in alignment with their own and other donors’ financial interests. On issue after issue, Republican candidates have sworn fealty to the Kochs’ ultra-free-market positions. The study calculates that Republican members of the House and Senate largely voted as Americans for Prosperity told them to eighty-eight per cent of the time last year, up from seventy-three per cent of the time in 2007. More eye-catching, the positions that A.F.P. took, and that the elected representatives adopted, put them far to the right of the general voting population, including many Republicans voters.
The review of Mayer’s book in the New York Review of Books accepts her hypothesis uncritically
Jane Mayer’s remarkable new book makes it abundantly clear that the Kochs, and the closely connected group of billionaires they’ve helped assemble, have spent thousands of times that much over the past few decades, and that in the process they’ve distorted American politics in devastating ways, impairing the chances that we’ll effectively respond to climate change, reducing voting rights in many states, paralyzing Congress, and radically ratcheting up inequality.
The book review in The Nation is even more breathless about the reach of the Koch brothers cabal
I’m ashamed to admit that I had little understanding of the scope of the activities that Charles and David Koch have undertaken to mainstream their radical libertarian ideology until I read Jane Mayer’s pathbreaking account in The New Yorker in 2010. (I fought a losing battle on the jury of the National Magazine Awards that year to award it the prize in the reporting category.) Back then, the fantastic reach of the Kochs’ personal investments and subterranean funding network was difficult to track. It has since grown to a size almost impossible to imagine, with a sphere of influence that touches nearly every aspect of American public life. That’s the message of Dark Money, the authoritative book on the Kochs that Mayer has spent the past five years reporting.
Jonah Goldberg’s review of Dark Money is a bit of a fresh air after all these dark conspiracy theories
“What people need to understand is the Kochs have been playing a very long game,” she told NPR’s Steve Inskeep. “And it’s not just about elections. It started four decades ago with a plan to change how America thinks and votes. So while some elections they win and some elections they lose, what they’re aiming at is changing the conversation in the country.” …the Kochs are secretive, sinister denizens of the stygian underworld of “dark money” and the “radical right.” Except for the fact that the Kochs have been out in the open for nearly a half-century. David Koch ran for vice president on the Libertarian ticket in 1980, which you might argue is a brilliant way to hide in plain sight, given how little attention the Libertarian Party gets.
To its credit, the book review in Dissent magazine is the only one on the left that actually enquires into the mechanisms of and divisions within political pressure groups and political parties:
By focusing on elite idea production and election messaging, Mayer overlooks divisions within the right and offers no insights that could help us understand the unruly Trump surge. Dark Money portrays an unstoppable, unified far-right juggernaut led by plutocrats. It correctly alerts us to many aspects of their secretive, unaccountable machinations. But the full story of what is happening on the right is more complex and volatile.
It took a proper Marxist to remember that conspiracy theories do not succeed on their own. They require grunt work on the ground and there are feuding factions galore not even aware of the Koch brothers, much less their influence and money:
From the top, Fox News and other right-wing media outlets hyped the “Tea Party” label as a way for conservative voters to express anger at newly installed President Obama and Democratic congressional majorities; and many professional advocacy organizations jumped on the bandwagon, offering buses to carry people to rallies where their own operatives gave speeches. But these top-down maneuvers were not the driving force of the movement. Ordinary conservative citizens and community activists, almost all white and mostly older, provided angry passion and volunteered their energies to make the early Tea Party more than just occasional televised rallies. Grassroots Tea Partiers accomplished an utterly remarkable feat: starting in 2009, they organized at least 900 local groups,
Mayer forgot that the Tea Party was not libertarian and was very much a grassroots movement as the Dissent Magazine reviewer points out:
We learned that grassroots Tea Partiers were far from disciplined libertarian followers of ultra-free-market advocacy groups. Local Tea Party groups met in churches, libraries, and restaurants, and collected small contributions or sold books, pins, bumper stickers and other Tea Party paraphernalia on commission to cover their modest costs. They did not get by on checks from the Koch brothers or any other wealthy advocacy organizations. Furthermore, the views of both grassroots Tea Party activists and of many other Republican-leaning voters who have sympathized with this label do not align with free-market dogmas.
The Tea Party was socially conservative but only fiscally conservative when it came to other groups than them receiving money from the government as the Dissent review reminds us
… ordinary Tea Party activists and sympathizers are worried about sociocultural changes in the United States, angry and fearful about immigration, freaked out by the presence in the White House of a black liberal with a Muslim middle name, and fiercely opposed to what they view as out of control “welfare spending” on the poor, minorities, and young people. Many Tea Partiers benefit from Social Security, Medicare, and military veterans’ programs, and do not want them to be cut or privatized. About half of Tea Party activists or sympathizers are also Christian conservatives intensely concerned with banning abortion and repealing gay marriage.
In what continues to be a devastating review of the Mayer book, Dissent reminds us that
Today’s Republican Party is being revamped and torn asunder from contradictory directions. Almost all GOP candidates and legislators, even most presidential aspirants, espouse free-market, anti-government ideas like those pushed by the Koch network. But these honchos are not necessarily carrying voters with them. Many centrist voters do not want to cut education or gut the Environmental Protection Agency, while many right-wing voters care most about stopping immigration, outlawing abortions, and cutting back on what they view as government largesse for the poor. The core Koch agenda of bashing unions, slashing taxes for the rich, blocking environmental protection measures, and dismantling Social Security is not the top priority for many conservative voters.
The Dissent magazine review still believes that the Koch brothers have the Republican Party in their grasp, but was sensible enough to remind that the Republican Party is divided and voters still think for themselves. That was a crucial concession. As the Wall Street Journal review said
It can be argued that the cynicism behind the politics-for-sale claim, even when displayed by a talented writer like Ms. Mayer, reflects a distrust of the American democratic system—as if “the people” are commodities to be purchased and not autonomous beings who can think for themselves. The cynicism also denigrates the work of activists and scholars who join up with Cato, the Manhattan Institute, Heritage, Brookings, Hoover, the Sierra Club, the World Wildlife Foundation, Common Cause—or whatever organization one might choose—because they believe in what those bodies stand for, not because they are the mindless slaves of some rich donor.
Difference between @nzlabour @NZGreens; between @AustralianLabor @Greens
10 Jul 2016 Leave a comment
in constitutional political economy, politics - Australia, politics - New Zealand, Public Choice
To be a party of government requires compromise, a willingness to appeal to the average voter, and to adopt policies because they are wedge issues rather than because they are principled stands.

Labour (at least their social democratic wings) want to win and govern by adopting policies that work; Greens want to send a message.




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