Source: Deirdre McCloskey: editorials: Review of Michael J. Sandel’s What Money Can’t Buy: The Moral Limit of Markets , New York: Ferrar, Straus and Giroux, 2012. Pp. 244 +viii. Index. by Deirdre McCloskey August 1, 2012. Shorter version published in the Claremont Review of Books XII(4), Fall 2012.
Antonin Scalia: The Rule of Law as a Law of Rules
28 Aug 2016 Leave a comment
in constitutional political economy, law and economics

Do You Understand the Electoral College?
23 Aug 2016 Leave a comment
in constitutional political economy, economics, politics - USA
Free speech is supposed to sting like a bee
21 Aug 2016 Leave a comment
in constitutional political economy, economics of regulation, liberalism, libertarianism Tags: free speech, political correctness
Popper said same in the Open Society and its Enemies
15 Aug 2016 Leave a comment
in constitutional political economy, economics of religion, liberalism Tags: Karl Popper, political correctness
Alchian and Allen on the superfluousness of economic principles to civilisation
13 Aug 2016 Leave a comment
in applied price theory, Armen Alchian, comparative institutional analysis, constitutional political economy, development economics, economic history, industrial organisation, international economics Tags: industrial revolution, The Great Enrichment, The Great Escape, The Great Fact
The Road To Serfdom on YouTube
12 Aug 2016 Leave a comment
in comparative institutional analysis, constitutional political economy, economics of bureaucracy, F.A. Hayek, Public Choice, rentseeking
Just how anti-science are the Australian @Greens?
08 Aug 2016 Leave a comment
in applied price theory, applied welfare economics, comparative institutional analysis, constitutional political economy, development economics, economic history, economics of media and culture, economics of regulation, energy economics, environmental economics, global warming, growth disasters, growth miracles, health economics, politics - Australia, politics - New Zealand, Public Choice, rentseeking, technological progress Tags: Anti-Science left, anti-vaccination movement, atomic energy, Australian Greens, climate alarmism, coal, fluoridation, global warming, GMOs, New Zealand Greens, nuclear power, The Great Enrichment, The Great Escape, The Great Fact, vaccinations, vaccines
Source: Denying Problems When We Don’t Like the Solutions | Duke Today
I am not sure that the Australian Greens earn brownie points for referring to the scientific consensus on global warming as follows
Current global climate change is primarily caused by human activities contributing to increased concentrations of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere, and is already contributing to disruption of human societies through sea level rise, extreme weather events, desertification, harm to health, wellbeing and other effects. This is the overwhelming consensus of the international scientific community.
The Greens then give their opponents a free kick regarding their views on coal:and their commitment to science-based risk policy:
No new coal-fired power stations or coal mines, and no expansions to any existing power stations or mines, plus the development of programs to assist coal-dependent communities to make the transition to other more sustainable sources of economic prosperity.
There is no attempt to refer to science to justify this blanket prohibition against a specific energy source.
The views of the Australian Greens is no more science based on atomic energy:
- The world should be free of nuclear weapons and the nuclear fuel chain.
- There is a strong link between the mining and export of uranium and nuclear weapons proliferation.
- The use of nuclear weapons, nuclear accidents or attacks on reactors pose unacceptable risk of catastrophic consequences.
- Future generations must not be burdened with dangerous levels of radioactive waste.
- Nuclear power is not a safe, clean, timely, economic or practical solution to reducing global greenhouse gas emissions.
If there is any basis in science with this blanket opposition, I am sure the Australian Greens might have mentioned it.
Do the Australian Greens refer to the scientific consensus on GMOs in their policy platform as a helpful reminder or is there just have an ever rising demand for more evidence
- Genetically modified organisms (GMOs), their products, and the chemicals used to manage them may pose significant risks to natural and agricultural ecosystems.
- GMOs have not been proven safe to human health.
- Scientific evidence produced independently from the developers and proponents of the GMO must be undertaken and form the basis for assessing and licensing of GMOs. GMO assessments must be broad, independent and scientifically robust.
- The precautionary principle must be applied to the production and use of GMOs.
Unlike the New Zealand Greens, at least they do not simply reject the possibility of GMOs, the Australian Greens prefer the tactic of never being satisfied by the evidence.
The only thing I can find on the position of the Greens on fluoridation and vaccines is from a Victorian upper house MP who is half sensible on these issues. On fluoridation she says on behalf of the Greens
The Greens policy is quite clear on this. We do not have a policy for or against fluoride. Our policy supports the right of communities to determine the introduction of fluoride into local water supplies.
Not expressing the opinion on the wisdom of not putting fluoride in local water supply hardly shows a strong commitment to science-based public health policy.
On vaccines, this Victorian upper house green MP is not too bad at all:
I want to begin by stating that the Greens join health and scientific experts in absolutely supporting vaccination as a safe, proven and critical preventative health measure. The elimination of horrific diseases such as polio in Australia is testament to the incredible effectiveness and importance of vaccines…
There is also a group of people who might be called ‘hesitators’. They are not strongly opposed to vaccination, but they have heard that there might be some risks and they are thus unsure about them. These people do not perceive a strong risk of their child contracting any of the horrible diseases that immunisation prevents, so they think that on balance it might be reasonable not to vaccinate or to delay vaccination until their child is older or they simply have not yet made a decision either way. Hesitating parents may not realise that in some areas the local vaccination rate is getting well below safe levels and thus the risk of an outbreak is increasing.
This is far better than her New Zealand counterparts who do not seem to have an opinion on this vital public health issue. Indeed, the New South Wales Greens moved in the state parliament to tighten up a bill on exemptions from vaccinations.
Changes to the NSW Public Health Act in 2013 prohibited unvaccinated children from attending childcare unless their parents held “a personal, philosophical, religious or medical belief involving a conviction that vaccination under the National Immunisation Program should not take place” and they had discussed the matter with their GP”. The NSW Greens moved an amendment to remove personal, philosophical and religious beliefs as a grounds for exemption. This is one of the few times I can say something nice about a green MP.
Many on the right have their doubts about climate change science, much of which is actually delivered driven by solution aversion.They do not like the costs of the solution so they attack the rationale for it for tactical reasons. Cass Sunstein explains:
It is often said that people who don’t want to solve the problem of climate change reject the underlying science, and hence don’t think there’s any problem to solve. But consider a different possibility: Because they reject the proposed solution, they dismiss the science. If this is right, our whole picture of the politics of climate change is off.
The Left picks and chooses which scientific consensus as it accepts. The overwhelming consensus among researchers is biotech crops are safe for humans and the environment. This is a conclusion that is rejected by the very environmentalist organisations that loudly insist on the policy relevance of the scientific consensus on global warming.
What is worse is this rejection of science is not based on solution aversion; that the costs are high. It is a plain rejection of science on principle by the green left rather than for tactical reasons such as by the right on global warming.
What is more worrying is all the science that is rejected by the left will make us more prosperous. Only when the solutions make is poorer does the green left support them such as with global warming and carbon taxes.
In many ways what divides the left and right onn science is a question of values: the value placed on progress, on the Great Enrichment, on the Great Fact and on the Great Escape.
The Greens are no more than a reincarnation of the 19th century British Tory Radicals with their aristocratic sensibilities that combined strong support for centralised power with a paternalistic concern for the plight of the poor:
- 19th century Tory radicals opposed the middle classes and the aesthetic ugliness they associated with an industrial economy; and
- Like the 19th century Tory Radicals, today’s green gentry see the untamed middle classes as the true enemy.
Many Greens think they are expressing an entirely new and progressive philosophy as they mouthed the same prejudices as Trollope’s 19th century Tory squires; attacking any further expansion of industry and commerce as impossibly vulgar, because it was
ecologically unfair to their pheasants and wild ducks.
Neither the failure of the environmental apocalypse to arrive nor the steady improvement in environmental conditions because of capitalism has dampened the ardour of those well-off enough to be eager to make hair-shirts for others to wear.
True to its 1960s origins, environmentalism is a mix of bureaucrats and hippies: a global, little-brother government that keeps the lower classes in line and a back-to-the-earth localism imposed on others but presenting no real threat to the inner city green elites’ comfortable middle class lives.
Culture of Gowth: Origins of the Modern Economy
08 Aug 2016 Leave a comment
in behavioural economics, comparative institutional analysis, constitutional political economy, development economics, economic history, growth disasters, growth miracles, industrial organisation, law and economics, Public Choice Tags: industrial revolution, The Great Fact
Transition in Eastern Europe – Gary Becker and Ronald Coase
06 Aug 2016 Leave a comment
in applied price theory, applied welfare economics, comparative institutional analysis, constitutional political economy, defence economics, economics, Gary Becker, Ronald Coase Tags: transitional economies
McCloskey explains Modern Economic Growth
06 Aug 2016 Leave a comment
in applied price theory, applied welfare economics, comparative institutional analysis, constitutional political economy, development economics, economic history, economics, growth disasters, growth miracles Tags: Deirdre McCloskey, The Great Enrichment, The Great Escape, The Great Fact
Bill Maher on the Superiority of Western Values
31 Jul 2016 Leave a comment
in constitutional political economy, economics of religion, liberalism Tags: The Age of Enlightenment
Brad de Long on Marx and adapting to The Great Enrichment
30 Jul 2016 Leave a comment
in applied welfare economics, constitutional political economy, development economics, economic history, poverty and inequality

Source: Brad de Long, The Fall of the Soviet Union
A far right populist contradicts the median voter theorem
25 Jul 2016 Leave a comment
in constitutional political economy, politics - USA, Public Choice Tags: British politics, left-wing populism, Leftover Left, median voter theorem, right-wing popularism, Twitter left
Hanson, Trump, UKIP, Alternative for Germany, Marine Le Pen, and the anti-immigration but pro-welfare state populist parties in northern Europe are all smeared by the media as far right parties but also are described as right-wing populists. Media bias is still constrained by the median voter theorem.
You cannot be on the far right but win lots of votes because the extremes of the political spectrum account for few votes. What do you think left-wingers stay within the Labour Party despite wanting its leader to be tried for war crimes.
Even in proportional representation systems, few far right and far left party set up on their own two feet and survive because of thresholds to win seats. There are Communist parties in European parliaments but their representation is small except for the Bundestag.
You cannot get into the 2nd round of the French presidential election, come 2nd in 40 British Labour Party seats, win the safest Labour Party seats in Queensland, and be attacked from Ted Cruz from the right and still be a far right winger.
All right-wing populist parties combine that heady brew of nationalism,opposition to immigration and free trade, and staunch support of the welfare state. Not surprisingly, something like 40% of their votes come from the traditional labour parties and social democratic parties.
Countering their appeal to the electorate cannot start with saying that anyone who votes for them is weird because the secret ballot allow secret malice.
The left is surprisingly bad at playing catch-up in identity politics. As one UKIP supporter said, I am a white working class Englishmen not on the benefit so Labour does not speak for me.
An inquiry established by Labour’s former policy chief, Jon Cruddas, MP found that Labour needs to
“stop patronising socially conservative Ukip voters and recognise the ways in which Ukip appeals to former Labour voters”, the report says, adding: “Labour is becoming a toxic brand. It is perceived by voters as a party that supports an ‘open door’ approach to immigration, lacks credibility on the economy, and is a ‘soft touch’ on welfare spending.”
At present, the report argues, Labour is “largely a party of progressive, social liberals who value principles such as equality, sustainability, and social justice.
It is losing connection with large parts of the voter population who are either pragmatists in their voting habits or social conservatives who value family, work, fairness and their country.” It adds: “Labour is becoming dangerously out of touch with the electorate and … unwilling to acknowledge this growing estrangement.”


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