Solutions should reflect the problem definition and analysis: Duncan Garner on child poverty

Duncan Garner wrote a passionate column yesterday in the local paper calling for gutsy action on child poverty.

His analysis of the causes of child poverty in New Zealand was good. Garner’s solutions had nothing to do with what he had identified as the causes of child poverty. As Garner himself wrote:

… in order to tackle poverty it’s important to attempt to define what it means today.

Poverty is children living in crowded, damp homes who don’t get three square meals a day.

They may not have their own bed, they won’t see a doctor when they’re sick and many of them will be admitted to hospital with serious poverty-related illnesses such as respiratory problems and skin infections.

They may live in households where paying the rent accounts for 60 per cent of the family’s income every week.

Garner then discussed the plight of one particular family in Auckland:

The parents are nice people, with seven children.

They shared a tiny home with three other adults and another child.

Dad works full-time at a meat factory and they had been waiting 10 months for a state house. They had beds in the dining room and lounge.

They couldn’t afford the cost of a private rental home. One son, aged 11, had a serious lung problem. I saw poverty in action that day and it was deeply disturbing. I highlighted their plight on my radio show and within weeks a shamed Housing NZ had found them a home.

The family Garner discussed is in a tiny house because they lacked the income to rent a better one. They must rely on social housing provided by government with income related rents.

Recurring through his problem definition is the impact that rising housing costs is having on the poor.

Nonetheless, Garner then advocates cash payments to low income families, a tax credit system seen as more generous and inclusive, and a back to school bonus without addressing the supply of housing.

The evidence is overwhelming in New Zealand that the main driver of the increases in the child poverty since the 1980s is rising housing costs.

In the longer run after housing costs child poverty rates in 2013 were close to double what they were in the late 1980s mainly because housing costs in 2013 were much higher relative to income than they were in the late 1980s.

– Bryan Perry, 2014 Household Incomes Report – Key Findings. Ministry of Social Development (July 2014).

Any policy to reduce child poverty must increase the supply of houses by reducing regulatory restrictions on the supply of land.

The Metropolitan Limit confines the expansion of Auckland beyond the existing built-up area. This regulatory constraint explains the exceptionally high housing price-income ratio of Auckland.

The limit imposed on the horizontal expansion of the city in green fields encourages increases in residential prices. As demand for new housing increases, no new land supply can enter the market and stem price rises in response to this increased demand.

urban limit

If you serious about child poverty, you have to criticise government regulation: the dead hand of the Resource Management Act (RMA) on the poor and the vulnerable.

An Open Letter to Paul Krugman | David K. Levine

via An Open Letter to Paul Krugman | David K. Levine.

Incentives facing the FDA on drug approval

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George Stigler (1982) on why the working class did not vote for the Green Party in the 2014 NZ election–part 4

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The Economics of Europe’s Insane History of Putting Animals on Trial and Executing Them

jj

The fantastically creative and insightful Peter Leeson published an article in the Journal of Law and Economics in 2013 on the practice of putting animals on trial in the Medieval ages.

Abstract
For 250 years insects and rodents accused of committing property crimes were tried as legal persons in French, Italian, and Swiss ecclesiastic courts under the same laws and according to the same procedures used to try actual persons.

I argue that the Catholic Church used vermin trials to increase tithe revenues where tithe evasion threatened to erode them.

Vermin trials achieved this by bolstering citizens’ belief in the validity of Church punishments for tithe evasion: estrangement from God through sin, excommunication, and anathema.

Vermin trials permitted ecclesiastics to evidence their supernatural sanctions’ legitimacy by producing outcomes that supported those sanctions’ validity. These outcomes strengthened citizens’ belief that the Church’s imprecations were real, which allowed ecclesiastics to reclaim jeopardized tithe revenue

Leeson’s paper is also closely connected to Ekelund, Herbert, and Tollison’s (1989, 2002, 2006) and Ekelund et al.’s (1996) work. They study the medieval Catholic Church as a firm. They discuss how ecclesiastics used supernatural sanctions to protect the Church’s monopoly on spiritual services against heretical competition.

HT: Wired – fantastically-wrong-europes-insane-history-putting-animals-trial-executing/

The Tyranny of the Taxi Medallions

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via The Tyranny of the Taxi Medallions.

Pro-free enterprise does not mean pro-business

This IS serious: How the French discourage innovation in winemaking

via Managerial Econ: How the French discourage innovation in winemaking.

The economics of Christianity

These are all worth reading:

  1. Sacred Trust: The Medieval Church as an Economic Firm by Robert D. Tollison, R. Ekelund, R. Hebert, G. Anderson, and A. Davis 1996.
  2. The Marketplace of Christianity by Robert B. Ekelund Jr. & Robert F. Hebert & Robert D. Tollison, 2008 -discusses the reformation, counter-reformation and thereafter.
  3. Economic Origins of Roman Christianity by Robert B. Ekelund Jr. and Robert D. Tollison 2011 (the 1st 1000 years).

See as well The Pope and the Price of Meat: A Public Choice Perspective by Richard Ault, Robert Ekelund and Robert D. Tollison in Kyklos which shows how self-interest, economic geography, and an expanded number of third-world voters in the College of Cardinals explain why Pope Paul IV changed the relative price of meat and altered penance rules in 1966.

This paper applies public choice and modern regulatory theory to the twentieth century Roman Catholic Church and attempts to discover why the decision was made in 1966 to absolve Catholics from the requirement that meat not be eaten on most Fridays of the year.

We provide a cartel analysis of the institutional backdrop and power structure of the College of Cardinals within the Church. In this framework, self-interest, the geographic production of beef and fish, and the expanded number of voters in the College of Cardinals are the keys to understanding why Pope PAUL VI decided to change the relative price of meat and to alter penance rules in 1966.

Faith, Hope and Regulation

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