Let the climate science be settled! Only the economics matter

The great tactical victory of environmentalists is keeping the debate on the science going because even if the science is right, the economic costs are small.

Let the climate science be settled. How much will global warming cost is the correct question for policy debate.

Global warming, although real, is not apt to be severe. It will lower the level of GDP by maybe 2%. The loss of one year’s income growth! Courtesy of David Friedman’s reading of the report, this is what the IPCC said this week:

With these recognized limitations, the incomplete estimates of global annual economic losses for additional temperature increases of ~2°C are between 0.2 and 2.0% of income (±1 standard deviation around the mean)

Many of the consequences of global warming will be beneficial – warmer in some places, colder in others; wetter in some places and drier in others. The sea level rises will mean local problems, not a planetary crisis.

New Zealand will have a more reliable power supply because of increased winter rainfall as well as warmer winters. Most of New Zealand’s power supply is from lakes that rely on the Spring melting of the winter snow rather than winter rainfall.

The chances of India, China and the rest of the Third World agreeing to forego or even slow their economic development to fight global warming is zero even before you consider the international collective action, verification and free rider problems.

Climate changes have a greater impact in the most under-developed countries that are yet to embrace capitalism. Agriculture provides the livelihoods of 30 per cent or more of their populations, many of whom still practice subsistence agriculture.

Yet the trend in developing countries is to be much less dependent on agriculture as a  source of employment and family incomes. If per capita income in the poor countries grows in the next forty years as rapidly as it has in the forty years just past, their vulnerability to climate change should diminish.

Adaptation and richer is safer are the only games in town for both the developed and the developing worlds.

The only case for even a token carbon tax is to avoid green tariffs in the EU and USA on exports. We may as well collect the revenue for ourselves rather than let the EU and USA pocket it.

p.s The report of the IPCC yesterday was a one-day media wonder in the country where I live. I could not find a single story today in the Dominion Post, which is the paper for the political capital for New Zealand.

The incentives to research the economics of global warming – the minimum wage edition

David Card’s research suggested that small rises in the minimum wage do not reduce employment by much.

He said that he did not do much further research in the area because people were so personally unpleasant for him:

I haven’t really done much since the mid-’90s on this topic. There are a number of reasons for that that we can go into.

I think my research is mischaracterized both by people who propose raising the minimum wage and by people who are opposed to it.

… it cost me a lot of friends. People that I had known for many years, for instance, some of the ones I met at my first job at the University of Chicago, became very angry or disappointed.

They thought that in publishing our work we were being traitors to the cause of economics as a whole.

I also thought it was a good idea to move on and let others pursue the work in this area. You don’t want to get stuck in a position where you’re essentially defending your old research.

You need a thick hide and academic tenure to do research into the minimum wage these days. There are plenty of research topics that do not cost you friends.

Richard Tol has pointed out that maybe 20 or so academic economists work on climate change on a regular basis. Many of the key survey papers are written by the same few people, including him.

The reasons were that inter-disciplinary works is looked down on in the economics profession and government agencies do not like what economic research says about the costs and benefits of global warming so they pre-emptively do not fund it.

Richard Tol quit as the lead author of an economics chapter of the most recent of the IPCC report after a dispute about research techniques. Tol had been invited to help in the drafting in a team of 70 and was also the coordinating lead author of a sub-chapter about economics.

When he dissented about the quality and alarmist nature of the economics of the IPCC reports, they smeared him so badly as a fringe figure that you wonder why they hired him in the first place.

The co-chair of the IPCC working group that produced the report, said Richard Tol was outside the mainstream scientific community and was upset because his research had not been better represented in the summary:

“When the IPCC does a report, what you get is the community’s position. Richard Tol is a wonderful scientist but he’s not at the centre of the thinking. He’s kind of out on the fringe,” Professor Field said before the report’s release.

You cannot, on the one hand, say that you have hired the best and the brightest to work on “the greatest moral, economic and social challenge of our time” and then say that a dissenting member is a fringe figure. If that was true, rather than a smear, he would never have been hired in the first instance.

Nor would Richard Tol have been asked to write a 2009 survey of the economics of climate change for the leading surveys journal in all of economics – The Journal of Economic Perspectives. This fringe figure said in that survey in 2009 that:

Only 14 estimates of the total damage cost of climate change have been published, a research effort that is in sharp contrast to the urgency of the public debate and the proposed expenditure on greenhouse gas emission reduction.

These estimates show that climate change initially improves economic welfare. However, these benefits are sunk.

Impacts would be predominantly negative later in the century.

Global average impacts would be comparable to the welfare loss of a few percent of income, but substantially higher in poor countries.

Still, the impact of climate change over a century is comparable to economic growth over a few years.

The IPCC hired Tol because their economics of global warming chapters would have lacked credibility if he had not been on the team. LBJ said that it is better to have someone inside the tent pissing out than outside pissing in.

Richard Tol even has an academic stalker:

Bob Ward, has reached a new level of trolling. He seems to have taking it on himself to write to every editor of every journal I have ever published in, complaining about imaginary errors even if I had previously explained to him that these alleged mistakes in fact reflect his misunderstanding and lack of education. Unfortunately, academic duty implies that every accusation is followed by an audit. Sometimes an error is found, although rarely by Mr Ward.

Richard Tol blogs at http://richardtol.blogspot.co.nz/

David Friedman on Bits From the Latest IPCC Report

I have not yet gotten into the full report but, judging from accounts I have seen, 2°C of additional warming is about what it suggests we can expect by 2100 if we don’t do much to prevent it. So if policies to prevent warming reduce the annual growth rate of world income from (say) 2% to 1.98%, the resulting loss will just about cancel the gain. Not a compelling argument for switching from fossil fuels to solar power.

via Ideas: Bits From the Latest IPCC Report.

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Ideas: Dealing with Climate Change: Prevention vs Adaptation

via Dealing with Climate Change: Prevention vs Adaptation

The intriguing public choice history of the Kyoto protocol

The US Senate voted 95-0 in July 1997 that the Kyoto Protocol would not be ratified because it excluded certain developing countries, including India and China, from having to comply with new emissions standards.

Disregarding the Senate Resolution, Vice President Al Gore symbolically signed the Protocol on November 12, 1998.

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Knowing that the Kyoto Protocol would not be passed without the inclusion of developing countries in some way, Clinton did not even send the Protocol to the U.S. Senate for ratification. Clinton had 801 days in office to submit it, but did not. As it was going to be rejected, it cost him nothing to sign it and he won the support of expressive voters. Bush was criticised for not doing what Clinton also failed to do.

The EU made demands that the USA would not accept so that the treaty would not include the USA. This allowed EU ministers to look good to expressive voters back home by standing staunch and not compromising.

US non-participation made participation cheaper for the EU because the USA would not be competing for carbon credits, so the price of carbon would be much less.

There was an emergency night time meeting to save the Copenhagen Summit called by Gordon Brown. He was joined by Obama, Sarkozy, Merkel and PM Hatoyama of Japan. To make a point, China sent a rather out-spoken vice foreign minister of foreign affairs. He was the smartest guy in the room.

How to negotiate a treaty on global warming

I found the best writer on global warming to be Thomas Schelling. Schelling has been involved with the global warming debate since chairing a commission on the subject for President Carter in 1980.

Schelling is an economist who specialises in strategy so he focuses on climate change as a bargaining problem. Schelling drew from his experiences with the negotiation of the Marshall Plan and NATO.

International agreements rarely work if they talk in terms of results. They work better if signatories promise to supply specific inputs – to perform specific actions now.

  • Individual NATO members did not, for example, promise to slow the Soviet invasion by 90 minutes if it happened after 1962.
  •  NATO members promised to raise and train troops, procure equipment and supplies, and immediately deploy these assets geographically. All of these actions can be observed, estimated and compared quickly. The NATO treaty was a few pages long.

The Kyoto Protocol commitments were not based on actions but on results, to be measured after more than a decade and several elections and a recession or two in between.

Climate treaties should promise to do certain actions now such as invest in R&D and develop carbon taxes that return the revenue as tax cuts. If the carbon tax revenue is fully refunded as tax cuts, less reliable countries, in particular, have an additional incentive to collect the carbon tax properly to keep their budget deficits under control.

Due deference to experts in public policy making

I caught Sir Paul Nurse’s Attack on Science on cable recently. He was exploring why people were unwilling to accept the word of science.

Sir Paul believes that people should defer to experts. He named two expert consensuses: global warming and GMOs.

In his 2012 Dimbleby Lecture Sir Paul called for a re-opening of the debate about GM crops based on scientific facts and analysis:

“We need to consider what the science has to say about risks and benefits, uncoloured by commercial interests and ideological opinion.

It is not acceptable if we deny the world’s poorest access to ways that could help their food security, if that denial is based on fashion and ill-informed opinion rather than good science.”

Many activists, without blinking an eye, will reject the science of GMOs but will hound from the temple anyone who defies another consensus they agree with.

Sir Paul interviewed James Delingpole. After they agreed that science does not proceed on the basis of consensus, Sir Paul asked Delingpole why he rejected the scientific consensus on global warming but accepted the scientific consensus on cancer.

Delingpole said he did not accept the analogy, but he was otherwise flat-footed. I suggest the following answer:

  1. Medicine proceeds on the basis of double blind trials and other small field experiments. Control and treatment groups are used before any treatment is applied widely. Medicine is not perfect as was the case with the misdiagnosis of the causes of stomach ulcers.
  1. The lag between cause and effect are short as would be the case if you rejected emergency treatment after a car accident or cancer treatment.
  1. Medicine tests the efficacy of invasive treatments, weighs side-effects and encourages adaptation and prevention.
  1. The staying power of self-interest in medicine is well-known: much higher rates of surgery when there is fee for service and much lower rates of surgery if the patient is a doctor’s wife. The efforts of the medical profession to suppress new entry to inflate their own incomes are well-known.

Ken Arrow in the early 1960s famously concluded that virtually all the special features of the medical care industry could “be explained as social adaptations to the existence of uncertainty in the incidence of disease and in the efficacy of treatment”.

  1. Physicians may not agree on the medical condition causing the symptoms the patient presents.
  2. Even if physicians agree on their diagnoses, they often do not agree on the efficacy of alternative responses — for example, surgery or medical management for lower-back pain.
  3. Third, information on diagnosis and likely consequences of treatment are asymmetrically allocated between providers and patients.
  4. The reason patients seek advice and treatment in the first place is that they expect physicians to have vastly superior knowledge about the proper diagnosis and efficacy of treatment.

Like all experts, doctors can advise you of the options open to you.

You must weigh those options in light of the costs and benefits to you and those costs and benefits are known only to you.

An old mate, who was in his thirties, had to consider back surgery that had a 10% chance of leaving him in a wheelchair for life. Experts cannot tell you what to do with those odds. After months of terrible pain and incapacity, his back slowly recovered without the surgery.

Most of the debate over global warming is explained by uncertainty about both the extent and incidence of global warming and the efficacy of prevention versus adaptation.

What global warming will cost us if we do nothing

David Friedman at Ideas delved into the best estimate of the global cost of global warming – by William Nordhaus – $4.1 trillion this century. This is $48 billion a year – 1/20th of one per cent of world income! Friedman then asked this:

Friedman’s even better argument on the social costs of global warming is that the costs of unlikely but catastrophic risks are included in the social cost arithmetic to make the problem serious. Without including them, global warming up to about a 2-degree warming provides a net benefit.

My Photo

Friedman shows great insight when he goes on to say that there is “no similar attempt to take account of low probability, high cost consequences of preventing global warming”.

That low probability, high cost consequence, which will occur sooner or later, is the next ice age. The next ice age could include a drop in sea levels of three hundred feet and half a mile of ice over the top of London and Chicago. That would bring a new meaning to climate change refugees. We are in a relatively warm period – an interglacial – in an ice age that started two million years ago.

Friedman asked whether “It is at least possible that global warming is all that is preventing the interglacial from ending”.

The great tactical victory of environmentalists is keeping the debate on the science going because even if the science is right, the economic costs are small.

How much will global warming cost is the correct question for policy debate. Let the science be settled!

Economists have no more expertise to judge the science of global warming than they do in judging the science behind the inevitability of super volcanoes going off again such as the one just north of me. The Yellow stone national park super volcano is 50,000 years overdue, by the way.

Economists can comment on the likely consequences, intended and unintended, of different choices and the constraints that different national and international institutional frameworks place on what policy choices might be made.

The chances of India, China and the rest of the Third World agreeing to forego or even slow their economic development to fight global warming is zero even before you consider the international collective action, verification and free rider problems. Adaptation and ‘richer is safer’ are the only game in town whichever way the climate goes!

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