How Dating Became a Lopsided Numbers Game | Jon Birger and Stefan Molyneux
13 May 2017 Leave a comment
in economics of love and marriage, labour economics Tags: dating market
Economists discover white lies when women are still in dating market made up of high-powered professionals
09 May 2017 Leave a comment
in discrimination, economics of love and marriage, gender, labour economics, occupational choice Tags: dating market, marriarge and divorce
Parents of 16 year old accept prison is where their son must be
06 May 2017 Leave a comment
in economics of crime, law and economics Tags: law and order
Failing firm defence for legacy media mergers
03 May 2017 Leave a comment
in industrial organisation, law and economics, politics - New Zealand Tags: anti-trust law, commerce commission, competition law, creative destruction, failing firm defence, legacy media
There is a large literature on the failing firm defence to merger law. I wrote an Australian Law Journal article about that defence many years ago.
The essence of the argument is that when a firm is to fail, the choice is between a high cost single plant monopoly and a lower cost multi-plant monopoly that absorbs the asset failed firm. For today’s purposes, that would be newspapers that would otherwise close but for the now blocked Fairfax/NZME media merger

Some think allowing mergers of market leaders with failing firms is good for competition.
To get a merger clearance on the basis of the failing firm defence, the merging companies must provide sufficient, compelling evidence that the failing firm will inevitably leave the market without the merger and there is no less anti-competitive alternative.
The basic rationale behind the doctrine is that since the failing firm would have left the market anyway due to its financial collapse, any harm to competition caused by the loss of an independent market player would arise regardless of the merger. Allowing the merger saves scrapping the assets of the failed firm.
Posner and Easterbrook described the failing firm defence as one of the most pernicious doctrines to ever arise in antitrust law. They did not elaborate much.
Gender pay gap shown to be a myth by @paulabennettmp @women_nz
03 May 2017 Leave a comment
in discrimination, gender, labour economics, law and economics, politics - New Zealand Tags: conspiracy theories, economics of fertility, gender wage gap, implicit bias, unconscious bias
The Minister for Women Paula Bennett and the Ministry of Women published excellent research in February showing there cannot be a gender wage gap driven by unconscious bias. The Minister has blamed a large part of the remaining gender wage gap on unconscious bias.
… up to 84 per cent of the reason for the Pay Gap, that’s right, 84 per cent, is described as ‘unexplained factors.’ That means its bias against women, both conscious and unconscious.
It’s about the attitudes and assumptions of women in the workplace, it’s about employing people who we think will fit in – and when you have a workforce of men, particularly in senior roles then it seems likely you’re going to stick with the status quo – whether they do that intentionally or just because “like attracts like”.
It’s because there is still a belief that women will accept less pay than men – they don’t know their worth and aren’t as good at negotiating.
The reason why this February 2017 research on the motherhood penalty contradicts earlier Ministry of Women research on unconscious bias and the gender wage gap is simple.
There is a large difference in the gender wage gap from mothers and for other women. As the adjacent graphic from Ministry of Women research shows, the gender wage gap for mothers is 17% but it is only 5% from other women.

Source: Effect of motherhood on pay – summary of results Statistics New Zealand and Ministry of Women February 2017.
We men, us dirty dogs all, have no way of knowing whether a female applicant is a mother. Remember we are dealing with unconscious bias, the raised eyebrow, the prolonged pause, the lingering glance, not a conspiracy or a prejudice of which we are self-aware and take overt steps to implement. Unconscious bias is unconscious by definition.
Because the bias against women is implicit and unconscious, we men, dirty dogs all, do not know we are biased, so we do not know we have to make further enquiries to check if the female applicant is a mother so we can discriminate against her more than we do for other women.That is before we consider other drivers of the gender wage gap such as whether there are relatively large spaces between the births of her children.
Large spaces between the birthdays of children greatly increases the gender wage gap because women spend much more time out of the workforce and part-time if they spread births. This reduces their accumulation of on-the-job human capital and encourages women who plan large families to choose occupations and educational majors that do not depreciate rapidly during career interruptions.
I have no idea how an unconsciously biased employer can discover if a woman has children with spaced out ages and therefore discriminate against an even more, unconsciously, of course. We men, dirty dogs all, do not know that in order to discriminate against them, especially in shortlisting for initial hiring when we have no information beyond the application about them.
Do women have more unconscious bias against women than men? If not, there should be differences in the gender pay gap in firms with more women managers or owners.
Becoming a mother and going part time is seriously bad for women's incomes ft.com/content/94e2e7… https://t.co/2bFfELztnX—
Chris Giles (@ChrisGiles_) August 23, 2016
Perhaps there is more unconscious biased in promotions because managers may have accidentally learnt are the ages of the children of female applicants and unconsciously taken a note to remember that when unconsciously discriminating against them in promotion. This unconscious bias involves a lot of very conscious data collection and retention.
All in all, the unconscious bias hypothesis simply cannot explain such a large difference between the gender wage gaps of parents and non-parents. There is too much evidence whose existence that is strictly forbidden by the hypothesis of unconscious bias against women in the workplace.
When people complain about the black market or organised crime
02 May 2017 Leave a comment
in applied price theory, economic history, economics of crime, economics of regulation, health economics, law and economics Tags: black markets, offsetting behaviour, organised crime, unintended consequences
From a Life of Crime to One of the Most Prolific Actors of All Time Danny Trejo’s Prison Break
01 May 2017 Leave a comment
Speaking of moral panic
30 Apr 2017 Leave a comment
in economics of crime, law and economics Tags: political correctness
.@NZLabour abandons Blackstone’s ratio
30 Apr 2017 Leave a comment
in economics of crime, law and economics, politics - New Zealand Tags: presumption of innocence
A gendered division of labour and household effort
30 Apr 2017 Leave a comment
in discrimination, economics of love and marriage, gender, labour economics, labour supply Tags: gender gap, gender wage gap, household production, housework, leisure time, marriage and divorce
A major factor driving the gendered division of labour and household effort is technology. Tiny differences in comparative advantage such as in child rearing immediately after birth can lead to large differences in specialisation in the market work and in market-related human capital and home production related work and household human capital (Becker 1985, 1993).
These specialisations are reinforced by learning by doing where large differences in market and household human capital emerge despite tiny differences at the outset (Becker 1985, 1993). This gendered division of labour and household effort is hard to change because large payments must be made to influence choices about care giving by highly specialised people with large but different accumulations of market and household human capital.
From a luck egalitarian perspective, many of the differences in earnings and occupations flow accidents of birth in deciding gender and who parents might be. Social inequalities that flow from brute bad luck call for interventions to put them right, if they work.
Many laws already make up for brute bad luck such as job protections while on maternity leave, and government funded parental leave pay and child care subsidies. Employers can do little to redress these accidents of birth nor do they have sufficient resources to put them right. For this reason, for example, parental leave pay is usually taxpayer funded rather than employer funded.
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Why hasn’t @JulieAnneGenter reintroduced @metiria’s 2009 bill on medical marijuana?
28 Apr 2017 Leave a comment
in economics of crime, health economics, law and economics, politics - New Zealand Tags: expressive voting, marijuana decriminalisation, medical marijuana decriminalisation
Passive Aggressive Relationship Techniques – Ultra Spiritual Life episode 57
27 Apr 2017 Leave a comment
in economics of love and marriage, economics of media and culture Tags: dating market, marriage and divorce
Somali Pirates VS Ship’s Private Security Guards
24 Apr 2017 Leave a comment
in economics of crime, law and economics Tags: piracy
The dark underbelly of the signalling value of engagement rings
19 Apr 2017 Leave a comment
in discrimination, economics of love and marriage, gender, human capital, labour economics, labour supply, occupational choice, television Tags: asymmetric marriage premium, comparable worth, dating markets, gender, marriage and divorce, Seinfeld, signalling




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