Machiavelli, Mises, Milton Friedman, W.H. Hutt and Walsingham’s Manual on practical public policy advising

File:Santi di Tito - Niccolo Machiavelli's portrait headcrop.jpg

Ludwig Von Mises worked as an economic-policy advisor to the Vienna Chamber of Commerce from 1909 to 1934. As Richard Ebeling notes:

What comes out from reading Mises’s policy writings from this period of his European career is that if you had asked him a fiscal, or monetary, or regulatory-policy question in the context of his role as analyst at the Chamber of Commerce, he would not have said, and did not simply say, "laissez-faire" — abolish the central bank, deregulate the economy, and eliminate taxes.

Mises accepted the context of which his policy options must be worked out. Ebeling went on to note that Mises seemed to think in three policy horizons:

  1. The most optimal institutional and policy arrangements in society for the fostering of the classical-liberal ideal of freedom and prosperity, based on the knowledge that he thought sound economic theory could provide;
  2. the actual circumstances of the present, but focused on the intermediary goals that would be leading in the direction of that more distant, "optimal" horizon; and
  3. current situation and the immediate future

In the 1970s, Rothbard criticised Milton Friedman for advocating indexation of prices and wages as a method to reduce some of the negative effects from an on-going inflation. Rothbard regarded this as a sell-out.

Richard Nixon’s responses to Milton Friedman were rather more flattering in terms of his policy purity:

I don’t care what Milton Friedman says, he’s not running for re-election.

In 1922, during the worsening Great Austrian Inflation, Mises proposed indexation of wages and prices. Ebeling explained Mises as follows:

  • what was inefficient and unnecessary in the three-tiered Austrian bureaucratic system of federal, provincial, and municipal regulators and taxing authorities;
  • what specific reforms should be introduced, how they could be experimented with in smaller regions of Austria; and
  • how best to overcome the resistance of those in the bureaucracy fearful of losing their jobs

Milton Friedman was purer than this – always the first best advice:

The role of the economist in discussions of public policy seems to me to be to prescribe what should be done in the light of what can be done, politics aside, and not to predict what is ‘politically feasible’ and then recommend it.

Little wonder that Friedman had little time for those economists who promised more than they could deliver and warned less than they should of the hazards and difficulties that may lie ahead the particular policies that were being considered:

A major problem of our time is that people have come to expect policies to produce results that they are incapable of producing. …

we economists in recent years have done vast harm—to society at large and to our profession in particular—by claiming more than we can deliver.

We have thereby encouraged politicians to make extravagant promises, inculcate unrealistic expectations in the public at large, and promote discontent with reasonably satisfactory results because they fall short of the economists’ promised land.

W.H. Hutt steered the middle course that I favour:

In our judgment, the best you will be able to get away with is programme A along the following lines; but if you could find a convincing way of really explaining the issue to the electorate, our advice would have to be quite different.

We should have to recommend programme B, along the following lines.

James Buchanan emphases political realities in a similar way:

We start from here, from where we are, and not from some idealized world peopled by beings with a different history and with utopian institutions. Some appreciation of the status quo is essential before discussion can begin about prospects for improvement.

Ebeling ends by saying:

Even as that uncompromising and principled proponent of individual liberty and the free market, Mises was called upon in his role as policy analyst and advocate to sometimes devise "second-" and "third-best" policy proposals in an imperfect world dominated by collectivist and interventionist ideas and practices.

for those who have sometimes asked, "Well, but how do you apply Austrian Economics to the ‘real world’ of public policy?" here is the answer by the economist who has been considered the most original, thoroughgoing, and uncompromising member of the Austrian School over the last one hundred years! His policy analyses provide us with warning signs and guideposts to assist us in thinking about and designing better policies for our own time.

In The Prince, Machiavelli said in a chapter on how to choose wise advisors and avoid flatterers.

Therefore a wise prince ought to hold a third course by choosing the wise men in his state, and giving to them only the liberty of speaking the truth to him, and then only of those things of which he inquires, and of none others; but he ought to question them upon everything, and listen to their opinions, and afterwards form his own conclusions.

With these councillors, separately and collectively, he ought to carry himself in such a way that each of them should know that, the more freely he shall speak, the more he shall be preferred; outside of these, he should listen to no one, pursue the thing resolved on, and be steadfast in his resolutions. He who does otherwise is either overthrown by flatterers, or is so often changed by varying opinions that he falls into contempt…

A prince, therefore, ought always to take counsel, but only when he wishes and not when others wish; he ought rather to discourage every one from offering advice unless he asks it; but, however, he ought to be a constant inquirer, and afterwards a patient listener concerning the things of which he inquired; also, on learning that any one, on any consideration, has not told him the truth, he should let his anger be felt.

I think Mises read less of Machiavelli and more of the now 400 year old book written by an French courter called  not to A Practical Guide for Ambitious Politicians, or Walsingham’s Manual which Gordon Tullock republished in 1961.

I have a copy of this rare book republished in 1961 which was translated again in 2007 under the title Treatise on the Court. The Early Modern Management Classic on Organizational Behaviour.

For Mises to survive and prosper as a policy advisor as he struggled for position within a small elite group amidst fierce competition, he had to know how organisations worked, how to find the levers of power and press them. That is why is pitched his advice in light of the immediate,medium term or long term policy horizon horizon as set out in the dot points above.

Walsingham’s Manual has a whole chapter on when the courtier should warn of the hazards and difficulties that may lay ahead and when he should humour the prince in his inclinations that mesh well with what Mises did. There is another chapter on how to deal with rival courtiers that made Sir Humphrey proud:

Those who feel compelled to compete with you will not be won over by shows of respect or veneration. You can, however, coax them onto a different path by

  • encouraging them to aim for a goal more ambitious than yours,
  • helping them achieve this goal,
  • offering to help advance their ambitions, and
  • playing down your own goal as being too insignificant for them to aspire to.

Imply that you have no choice but to pursue your goal because you aren’t capable of competing (as they are) for any­thing better. By way of contrast, praise your competitors’ reputation, power, abilities and merit: suggest that they can do far better than you and should set their sights higher.

If ever you come to fear that a competitor may get ahead of you, raise doubts and insecurities in his mind about what he wants to do. Discuss the pros and cons of the matter, but always in a way that reinforces why he should give up and look elsewhere.

Your best and quickest course, though, is to disguise or hide your objective until it’s too late for anyone to compete with you or block you.

Pushing an ambitious plan too openly may repel the very people who would have helped you if you’d been more discreet, making your task more difficult and damaging your chances of success.

Then, if you do prevail, you’ll attract more envy than you would have otherwise, and if you fail, you’ll look that much more foolish. Your safest course is to do as rowers do, turning your back on your objective and showing every sign of having some other destination.

Addressing Global Environmental Externalities: Transaction Costs Considerations

Gary D. Libecap, “Addressing Global Environmental Externalities: Transaction Costs Considerations.” Journal of Economic Literature (2014).

libecap

Abstract

Is there a way to understand why some global environmental externalities are addressed effectively, whereas others are not?

The transaction costs of defining the property rights to mitigation benefits and costs is a useful framework for such analysis. This approach views international cooperation as a contractual process among country leaders to assign those property rights.

Leaders cooperate when it serves domestic interests to do so. The demand for property rights comes from those who value and stand to gain from multilateral action.

Property rights are supplied by international agreements that specify resource access and use, assign costs and benefits including outlining the size and duration of compensating transfer payments, and determining who will pay and who will receive them.

Four factors raise the transaction costs of assigning property rights:

(i) scientific uncertainty regarding mitigation benefits and costs;

(ii) varying preferences and perceptions across heterogeneous populations;

(iii) asymmetric information; and

(iv) the extent of compliance and new entry.

These factors are used to examine the role of transaction costs in the establishment and allocation of property rights to provide globally valued national parks, implement the Convention on the International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora, execute the Montreal Protocol to manage emissions that damage the stratospheric ozone layer, set limits on harvest of highly-migratory ocean fish stocks, and control greenhouse gas emissions.

via Environmental Economics: JEL (52,2) p. 424 – Addressing Global Environmental Externalities: Transaction Costs Considerations.

Crony capitalism flashback – who voted against the TARP in 2008?

The US House of Representatives initially voted down the TARP in a grand coalition of right-wing republicans and left-wing democrats, voting 205–228. The right-wing republicans opposed the bailout because capitalism is a profit AND loss system. Democrats voted 140–95 in favour of the Bill while Republicans voted 133–65 against it.

The chart above shows that the degree of risk in commercial loans made by TARP recipients appears to have increased. This is no surprise. In the 1960s, Sam Peltzman published a paper in in the 1960s showing that when deposit insurance was introduced in the USA in the 1930s, the banks halve their capital ratios. They did not need to have as much capital as before to back their lending. The chart below shows that the TARP really didn’t do much for economic policy uncertainty.

In an open letter sent to Congress, over 100 university economists described three fatal pitfalls in the TARP:

1) Its fairness. The plan is a subsidy to investors at taxpayers’ expense. Investors who took risks to earn profits must also bear the losses. The government can ensure a well-functioning financial industry without bailing out particular investors and institutions whose choices proved unwise.

2) Its ambiguity. Neither the mission of the new agency nor its oversight is clear. If taxpayers are to buy illiquid and opaque assets from troubled sellers, the terms, timing and methods of such purchases must be crystal clear ahead of time and carefully monitored afterwards.

3) Its long-term effects. If the plan is enacted, its effects will be with us for a generation. For all their recent troubles, America’s dynamic and innovative private capital markets have brought the nation unparalleled prosperity. Fundamentally weakening those markets in order to calm short-run disruptions is will short-sighted.

A recent IMF study of 42 systemic banking crises showed that in 32 cases, there was government financial intervention.

Of these 32 cases where the government recapitalised the banking system, only seven included a programme of purchase of bad assets/loans (like the one proposed by the US Treasury). These countries were Mexico, Japan, Bolivia, Czech Republic, Jamaica, Malaysia, and Paraguay.

The Government purchase of bad assets was the exception rather than the rule in banking crises and rightly so. The TARP mostly benefited bank shareholders. A case of privatising the gains and socialising the losses from banking was passed on the votes of Congressional Democrats.

Robert Tollison on the bureaucratic reluctance to apply even simple price theory

Robert Tollison

We were told [at the Council of Economic Advisers to the President that]… you can’t make policy based on economic theory. … It was clear they weren’t willing to listen to an analytical argument. …

You can go all the way through the regulatory aspects of the government, and you just see that the basic choices are getting filtered out by some other mechanisms than what I would call economic sense.

And the role of the economist there is a stopgap—keep them from doing something completely dumb, just completely dumb.

The public choice theory of H.L. Mencken

Image

Some on the Left believe the @MontPelerinSoc is the ringmaster of a vast neo-liberal conspiracy

bookjacket Cover: The Road from Mont Pèlerin in HARDCOVER

Few had even heard of the Mont Pelerin Society until the late 1990s and the internet age. The ringmaster of the neoliberal conspiracy still has a very ordinary looking webpage.

Lead conspirator Hayek was so little known at his death in 1992 that finding extensive obituaries of him in newspapers is hard. Some may be behind pay walls. Of those that were found, they weren’t very long and forgot to mention Hayek as the leader of a global cabal that rule the waves  :

When Keynesian thought prevailed and his reputation went into eclipse, Mr. Hayek turned to philosophy and psychology, which he first taught at the University of Chicago, where he wrote what many consider to be a second masterpiece, “The Constitution of Liberty “.

His son’s obituaries in 2006 were longer and more fulsome than his father’s mostly on the back of who his now famous father were:

Lawrence Hayek escaped from the formidable shadow of his father, the great economist-philosopher, Professor F. A. Hayek, into high-level medical research within the NHS, only to spend much of his final decade responding to the worldwide interest in the scholar many regard — along with Milton Friedman — as the father of Thatcherism.

Hayek, the Mont Pelerin Society’s and neoliberal conspiracy’s alleged linchpin wasn’t even able to get a job in the University of Chicago economics department. Along with Mises, their salaries were paid by a private foundation. Neither could get paid university appointments in the United States. Hayek was Keynes’s principal critic in the 1930s, and upon Keynes’s death in 1946, the most famous economist in the world at that time.

Despite being a colony of the vast neo-liberal conspiracy, mentioning Milton Friedman’s name in the 1980s at job interviews in Canberra would have been extremely career limiting. Not much better in the early 1990s.

  • Back in the 1980s, the much less radical Milton Friedman was just graduating from being ‘a wild man in the wings’ to just a suspicious character in policy circles.
  • If you name dropped Hayek in the 1980s and 1990s, any sign of name recognition would have indicated that you were been interviewed by educated people.

How times has changed. The reasons are well summarised by Bruce Caldwell:

But how important were [members of the Mont Pèlerin Society] in the emerging global consensus that began in the 1980s in favour of trade liberalization and privatization?

Were not, for example, the dismal performance of Keynesian demand management policies in the United States, Britain, and elsewhere in the 1970s; the heavy-handed actions of the trade unions in Britain during the “Winter of Discontent”; the sclerotic performance of countries like India who had embraced a modified version of the planning model for their own; and, of course, the patent economic and political failures of the East Bloc, far more important in turning the tide, however briefly, towards globalization?

Was not George Stigler (himself a founding member of the Society) right in his comment about economists that “our influence appears to be powerful only when we support policies ripe for adoption” (Stigler 1987, p. 11)?

see Daniel Stedman Jones (2012). Masters of the Universe: Hayek, Friedman, and the Birth of Neoliberal Politics and P. Mirowski and D. Plehwe, eds. (2009), The Road from Mont Pelerin: The Making of the Neoliberal Thought Collective for the handbook on the cabal leading the vast right-wing conspiracy. For example,

The Road from Mont Pèlerin presents the key debates and conflicts that occurred among neoliberal scholars and their political and corporate allies regarding trade unions, development economics, antitrust policies, and the influence of philanthropy. The book captures the depth and complexity of the neoliberal “thought collective” while examining the numerous ways that neoliberal discourse has come to shape the global economy.

Masters of the Universe traces the ascendancy of neoliberalism from the academy of interwar Europe to supremacy under Reagan and Thatcher and in the decades since. Daniel Stedman Jones argues that there was nothing inevitable about the victory of free-market politics. Far from being the story of the simple triumph of right-wing ideas, the neoliberal breakthrough was contingent on the economic crises of the 1970s and the acceptance of the need for new policies by the political left.

To widen the market and to narrow the competition is always the interest of sellers

The proposal of any new law or regulation of commerce which comes from this order, ought always to be listened to with great precaution, and ought never to be adopted till after having been long and carefully examined, not only with the most scrupulous, but with the most suspicious attention.

It comes from an order of men, whose interest is never exactly the same with that of the public, who have generally an interest to deceive and even oppress the public, and who accordingly have, upon many occasions, both deceived and oppressed it.

Murray Rothbard and the Bourbon Democrats

The American political system is complicated with the Republicans and Democrats moving around the political spectrum. Remember, Teddy Roosevelt’s Progressive Party, with its rather left wing agenda split from the Republicans, not from the Democrats in 1912.

Murray Rothbard saw a lot of anti-big government sentiments in the pre-1896 Democratic Party under the Third Party System, and especially in the Second Party System prior to the Civil War with Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Buren. The 19th century Democratic Party tended to be the party of peace, anti-militarism, and anti-imperialism. Rothbard referred to Grover Cleveland

The Third Party System was dominated by the newly created Republican Party, which supported national banks, railroads, high tariffs, homesteading rights and aid to the land-grant colleges.

The Fourth Party System from 1896 to 1932 was made up of a majority centrist Republican Party against a minority Democratic Party from the South together with urban Catholics in the Northern cities – a volatile brew – which soon had an ideology scarcely distinguishable from the Republicans.

Both parties under the Third party System that operated prior to 1896 comprised broad-based voting coalitions divided between the parties on racial, ethnic and religious lines with high voter turnout and strong partisanship.

  • Methodists, Congregationalists, Presbyterians, and Scandinavian Lutherans were closely linked to the Republican Party.
  • Catholics, Episcopalians, and German Lutherans, looked to the Democratic Party for protection from moralism and prohibition.
  • The Democrats gained more support from the lower classes than did the Republicans.

Bourbon Democrat was a term used in the US from 1876 to 1904 for members of the Democratic Party, conservative or classical liberal, and especially those who supported President Grover Cleveland in 1884–1888 and 1892–1896. Rothbard referred to Grover Cleveland as “a hard-money laissez-faire Democrat” and

the continuity of quasi-libertarian thought that the Democrat Party brought to the United States throughout the nineteenth century

The Bourbon Democrats represented business interests, generally supporting the goals of banking and railroads but opposed to subsidies for them and were unwilling to protect them from competition.

Bourbon Democrats were promoters of laissez-faire capitalism (which included opposition to the protectionism that the Republicans advocated). The Bourbon Democrats opposed imperialism and U.S. overseas expansion, fought for the gold standard, and opposed bimetallism.

The notion that the Democratic Party was once the home of classical liberals in the USA at one time and the Republican Party was the party of regulation and big government is so foreign to the modern party divides in the USA today. Political parties in the United States certainly are big tents as they say.

The first six weeks of microeconomics 101 will see you through your entire public service career

Supply -Demand Chart

I  was not in Canberra for that long before I ended up agreeing with G. Warren Nutter:

The market process picks unusual winners

What World Bank consultant would risk his fee and return business on advising Egypt to specialise in the export of toilets to Italy? But Egypt’s largest single manufacturing export is toilets to Italy where it captured 93% of the market.

Kenya has a booming export business in cut flowers for men to buy for their wives. Kenya has 40% of the European markets for cut flowers. Nigeria has 84% of the Norwegian market for floating docks. The Philippines has 71% of the global market for electronic integrated circuits.

What development expert would have picked these winners? They’re far too far away from the conventional wisdom and the safe bets that are behind picking winners in government circles.

Picking winners by governments requires heroic assumptions not only about the information politicians and bureaucrats have about the present and their ability to predict the future, but also about their motivations and their ability to resist capture by special interests. The Economist explains:

None of these studies addresses a deeper problem with the way industrial policy tends to develop over time.

Earlier efforts have tended to degenerate into rent-seeking, lobbying and cosy deals between incumbent firms and bureaucrats, stifling innovation and the process of creative destruction.

The problem, of course, is that … industrial policy requires disinterested, benevolent policymakers who can do it well. Unfortunately, they do not yet have a recipe for how such policymakers can be created.

Policy is made by real people with political and personal motivations. What they come up with is unlikely to be as well designed as the ones in the models.

What if the Prime Minister insists we help them?

The main cast of Yes (Prime) Minister

Sir Humphrey Appleby: Then we follow the four-stage strategy.

Bernard Woolley: What’s that?

Sir Richard Wharton: Standard Foreign Office response in a time of crisis.

Sir Richard Wharton: In stage one we say nothing is going to happen.

Sir Humphrey Appleby: Stage two, we say something may be about to happen, but we should do nothing about it.

Sir Richard Wharton: In stage three, we say that maybe we should do something about it, but there’s nothing we *can* do.

Sir Humphrey Appleby: Stage four, we say maybe there was something we could have done, but it’s too late now.

The Greens want to ban… | Kiwiblog

I cannot stand political correctness. It serves no purpose other than to restrict freedom of speech. Yes, some language can offend someone, but we all have the right to offend. It doesn’t mean we should, but we can. 
Without the freedom to offend, we do not have the freedom of expression. When we restrict the use of language, we risk entering the George Orwell 1984 dystopia - “ungood”, “goodest”, “plusgood”, “doubleplusgood” - that’s where we’re heading every time someone starts sobbing like a child because they were offended. 
You taking offence doesn’t make you special. You don’t get some new right when you’re offended. No one’s going to run over and kiss your feet. You will be offended by many people, many times, throughout the rest of your life and you pointing and screaming to tell them not to use “those words” or “that language” is just so unbelievably childish. 
Of course people can take things too far, but we can take anything too far. We can take violence too far by starting meaningless wars, we can take rights movements too far by not stopping at equality and desiring dominance. What words people use, really is the last of your concerns. 

  1. Ban fizzy drinks from schools
  2. Ban fuel inefficient vehicles
  3. Ban all gaming machines in pubs
  4. Ban the GCSB
  5. Ban violent TV programmes until after 10 pm
  6. Ban feeding of antibiotics to animals that are not sick
  7. Ban companies that do not comply with a Code of Corporate Responsibility
  8. Ban ACC from investing in enterprises that provide products or services that significantly increase rates of injury or illness or otherwise have significant adverse social or environmental effects
  9. Ban commercial Genetic Engineering trials
  10. Ban field testing on production of GE food
  11. Ban import of GE food
  12. Ban Urban Sprawl
  13. Ban non citizens/residents from owning land
  14. Ban further corporate farming
  15. Ban sale of high country farms to NZers who do not live in NZ at least 185 days a year
  16. Ban the transport by sea of farm animals, for more than 24 hours
  17. Ban crates for sows
  18. Ban battery cages for hens
  19. Ban factory farming of animals
  20. Ban the use of mechanically recovered meat in the food chain
  21. Ban the use of the ground-up remains of sheep and cows as stock feed
  22. Ban animal testing where animals suffer, even if of benefit to humans
  23. Ban cloning of animals
  24. Ban use of animals in GE
  25. Ban GE animal food
  26. Ban docking of dogs tails
  27. Ban intrusive animal experimentation as a teaching method in all educational institutions
  28. Ban smacking
  29. Ban advertising during children’s programmes
  30. Ban alcohol advertising on TV and radio
  31. Ban coal mining
  32. Ban the export of indigenous logs and chips
  33. Ban the use of bio-accumulative and persistent poisons
  34. Ban the establishment of mustelid farms
  35. Ban new exploration, prospecting and mining on conservation land and reserves
  36. Ban mining activities when rare and endemic species are found to present on the mining site
  37. Ban the trading conservation land for other land to facilitate extractive activities on.
  38. Ban the further holding of marine mammals in captivity except as part of an approved threatened species recovery strategy
  39. Ban the direct to consumer advertising of pharmaceuticals
  40. Ban sale of chips and lollies on school property
  41. Ban any additional use of coal for energy
  42. Ban fixed electricity charges
  43. Ban further large hydro plants
  44. Ban nuclear power
  45. Ban further thermal generation
  46. Ban private water management
  47. Ban imported vehicles over seven years old
  48. Ban the disposal of recyclable materials at landfills
  49. Ban the export of hazardous waste to non OECD countries
  50. Ban funding of health services by companies that sell unhealthy food (so McDonalds could not fund services for young cancer sufferers)
  51. Ban healthcare organizations from selling unhealthy food or drink
  52. Ban advertising of unhealthy food until after 8.30 pm
  53. Ban all food and drink advertisements on TV if they do not meet criteria for nutritious food
  54. Ban the use of antibiotics as sprays on crops
  55. Ban food irradiation within NZ
  56. Ban irradiated food imports
  57. Ban growth hormones for animals
  58. Ban crown agency investments in any entity that denies climate change!!
  59. Ban crown agency investments in any entity that is involved in tobacco
  60. Ban crown agency investments in any entity that is involved in environmentally damaging oil extraction or gold mining
  61. Ban non UN sanctioned military involvement (so China and Russia gets to veto all NZ engagements)
  62. Ban NZ from military treaties which are based on the right to self defence
  63. Ban NZers from serving as mercenaries
  64. Ban new casinos
  65. Allow existing casinos to be banned
  66. Ban promotion of Internet gambling
  67. Ban advertising of unhealthy food to children
  68. Ban cellphone towers within 300 metres of homes
  69. Ban new buildings that do not confirm to sustainable building principles
  70. Ban migrants who do not undertake Treaty of Waitangi education programmes
  71. Ban new prisons
  72. Ban semi-automatic weapons
  73. Ban genetic mixing between species
  74. Ban ocean mineral extractions within the EEZ
  75. Ban limited liability companies by making owners responsible for liability of products
  76. Ban funding of PTEs that compete with public tertiary institutes
  77. Ban the importation of goods and services that do not meet quality and environmental certification standards in production, lifecycle analysis, and eco-labelling
  78. Ban goods that do not meet quality and sustainability standards for goods which are produced and/or sold in Aotearoa/New Zealand
  79. Ban new urban highways or motorways
  80. Ban private toll roads
  81. Ban import of vehicles more than seven years old unless they meet emission standards
  82. Ban imported goods that do not meet standards for durability and ease of recycling
  83. Ban landfills
  84. Ban new houses without water saving measures
  85. Ban programmes on TVNZ with gratuitous violence

Political correctness is the natural continuum from the party line. What we are seeing once again is a self-appointed group of vigilantes imposing their views on others. It is a heritage of communism, but they don't seem to see this.  - Doris Lessing

via Kiwiblog

Housing price booms and the restrictiveness of land-use regulation in the USA

Issue 32 2013 graph

The picture tells a 1000 words.

The Chardonnay socialists are not as left-wing as they think

As people hit middle age their youthful radicalism tends to be replaced with a growing conservatism. There has been a study of the 136,000 people in the World Values Survey. The data was from 48 different countries, during five periods between 1981 and 2008:

  • Participants were asked to choose whether they saw themselves as left-wing or right-wing.
  • The results were then compared with their responses to more detailed questions about their views, to determine how closely the participants own perception matched their real position on the ideological spectrum.

Well-educated individuals are more likely to wrongly characterise their political positions as more left-wing than they actually are. Holding down a job and raising a family leads them to adopt a more conservative outlook.

One reason the left-intellectuals do not realise that they have shed their youthful liberalism is that they socialise with people going through the same ideological shift to the right.

These results are no particular surprise given the growing authoritarian nature of the Left both in terms of social regulation and political correctness. Like a true conservative, the Left is a great believer in ordering their inferiors about while exempting themselves from these laws.

The US voting data shows that:

  1. Americans who identify as independents is inversely related to age. More than one-third of the youngest Americans identify as independents, a percentage that drops steadily as the population ages.

  2. The percentage who identify as Republicans follows roughly the opposite pattern. Only around 20% of Americans below 25 identify as Republicans.

  3. Democrats are quite strong among those under age 24. The percentage of Democrats stays at the one-third mark until about age 45, when it climbs slightly and remains higher through the 50s and early 60s, hovering at around the 40% point.

Why specific people change is more interesting, because as Hayek said, aggregates conceal more than they reveal.

Political Calculations: The Major Trends in U.S. Income Inequality Since 1947

via Political Calculations: The Major Trends in U.S. Income Inequality Since 1947.

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In Hume’s spirit, I will attempt to serve as an ambassador from my world of economics, and help in “finding topics of conversation fit for the entertainment of rational creatures.”

The Victorian Commons

Researching the House of Commons, 1832-1868

The History of Parliament

Articles and research from the History of Parliament Trust

Books & Boots

Reflections on books and art

Legal History Miscellany

Posts on the History of Law, Crime, and Justice

Sex, Drugs and Economics

Celebrating humanity's flourishing through the spread of capitalism and the rule of law

European Royal History

Exploring the Monarchs of Europe

Tallbloke's Talkshop

Cutting edge science you can dice with

Marginal REVOLUTION

Small Steps Toward A Much Better World

NOT A LOT OF PEOPLE KNOW THAT

“We do not believe any group of men adequate enough or wise enough to operate without scrutiny or without criticism. We know that the only way to avoid error is to detect it, that the only way to detect it is to be free to inquire. We know that in secrecy error undetected will flourish and subvert”. - J Robert Oppenheimer.

STOP THESE THINGS

The truth about the great wind power fraud - we're not here to debate the wind industry, we're here to destroy it.

Lindsay Mitchell

Celebrating humanity's flourishing through the spread of capitalism and the rule of law

Alt-M

Celebrating humanity's flourishing through the spread of capitalism and the rule of law

croaking cassandra

Economics, public policy, monetary policy, financial regulation, with a New Zealand perspective

The Grumpy Economist

Celebrating humanity's flourishing through the spread of capitalism and the rule of law