Tourist driver accidents as the price for international reciprocity over international driving permits

I am feuding with Gareth Morgan on Twitter on charging regimes for tourists. I raised the point about whether foreign countries would recognise international driver permits issued in New Zealand if we started imposing tests on international tourists before they could be issued with driver licences and therefore rent a car. Car rentals are a major form of tourist transport

When I pointed out other countries may retaliate and not recognise international driving permits issued in New Zealand, if we started imposing driving tests or other restrictions on tourist that come here, he thought that point was completely irrelevant. His responses show why he is the successor to Sir Bob Jones as the national contrarian and has an equal number of hits as well as big misses as Sir Bob.

Reciprocity is central to a large number of international concessions which New Zealanders enjoy overseas. These reciprocal arrangements include international driving permits as well as working holiday schemes, health insurance and old age pension reciprocal arrangements, double tax treaties and easy access to tourist and business visas to name but a few.

By the way, in common with the Cook Islands, China does not recognise international driving permits. A local licence must be obtained after a payment.

New Zealand recognises international driver permits issued in China because that such a huge and growing tourist market.

The price of having foreign tourists drive New Zealand roads is more accidents because of their inexperience, including because they are driving on the wrong side of the road and are tired from the international flight.

The benefit is New Zealanders can drive in other countries on international driving permits, including where they drive on the wrong side of the road and have more accidents because they are tired from the international flight. That’s the brutal calculus behind it that people prefer to ignore.

Why did Britain join the EU? A new insight from economic (and political) history

Amol Agrawal's avatarMostly Economics

Nice article by Nauro F. Campos and Fabrizio Coricelli on UK-EU history.

It tracks the history behind the two regions and why UK eventually joined EU in 1973:

View original post 189 more words

Exclusive economic zones around the world – New Zealand’s exclusive economic zone is rather large

https://twitter.com/MaxCRoser/status/552663702487719936

Nicholas Kristof – Where Sweatshops Are a Dream

Before Barack Obama and his team act on their talk about “labor standards,” I’d like to offer them a tour of the vast garbage dump here in Phnom Penh.

This is a Dante-like vision of hell. It’s a mountain of festering refuse, a half-hour hike across, emitting clouds of smoke from subterranean fires. The miasma of toxic stink leaves you gasping, breezes batter you with filth, and even the rats look forlorn.

Then the smoke parts and you come across a child ambling barefoot, searching for old plastic cups that recyclers will buy for five cents a pound. Many families actually live in shacks on this smoking garbage.

Mr. Obama and the Democrats who favor labor standards in trade agreements mean well, for they intend to fight back at oppressive sweatshops abroad.

But while it shocks Americans to hear it, the central challenge in the poorest countries is not that sweatshops exploit too many people, but that they don’t exploit enough.

Talk to these families in the dump, and a job in a sweatshop is a cherished dream, an escalator out of poverty, the kind of gauzy if probably unrealistic ambition that parents everywhere often have for their children.

via Op-Ed Columnist – Where Sweatshops Are a Dream – NYTimes.com.

If Scotland votes yes

Passport please: Our artists' impression of a road border between England and Scotland post-independence

 

Guards on the border: Where the controls could be placed if Scotland wins independence in 11 days' time

Edward Cannan on the economist and economic nationalism

Image

Free trade weathered well in the global financial crisis

Bounce back

Lower levies

Jacob Viner and the ambiguous welfare effects of preferential trade agreements

The world trade system is a growing assortment of discriminatory trade agreements known as the ‘spaghetti bowl’ for reasons that the diagram of regional trade agreements (RTAs) in the Western Hemisphere makes clear.

Preferential trade agreements are the correct name for the political spin masters call free trade agreements or regional trade agreements.

  • A preferential trade agreement is a trading bloc that gives preferential access to certain products from the participating countries. This is done by reducing or abolishing tariffs and other trade restrictions for the members of the trade bloc.
  • A customs union is a type of trade bloc which is composed of a free trade area with a common external tariff.

Everything you need to know about trade blocs, preferential trading agreements, and customs union is in a book written by Jacob Viner in 1951. His book The Customs Union Issue introduced the distinction between the trade-creating and the trade-diverting effects of customs unions:

Trade diversion occurs if the common tariff around a customs union and the absence of tariffs within the union lead one of the members to purchase products from another member rather than from a “cheaper” producer in the outside world.

The classic example of this is the entry of Britain into the European Common market in 1973. It started sourcing dairy and wool imports from within the common market rather than from New Zealand as was the case for the past hundred years.

Assume the most efficient producer of lamb in the world is New Zealand.  Before joining a customs union the UK will place an identical tariff on lamb imported from any country, this is shown on the diagram below. Before the customs union, French lamb is more expensive than New Zealand lamb once the tariff was paid. There are no imports from France. After joining the EU the tariff on French lamb will be removed.

Slide04

The formation of the customs union between Britain and France reduces the price  of lamb imports from PNZ+t to PFrance.  Trade diversion now takes place as consumption switches from the low cost New Zealand farmers to the higher cost French lamb. Lower cost imports from outside the customs union have been replaced by high cost imports from within the customs union.

The  welfare analysis  analysis is tricky  because consumer prices fall, but some of the tariff revenue is now converted into higher import prices  because the lamb is sourced with the inefficient French farmers. This is shown in the multiple graphs below where some government tariff revenue is lost  and is instead converted into payments to the higher-cost French farmers.

Slide10

Source: http://revisionguru.coisionguru/economics-2/economics-a2-unit-4/european-union/trade-creation-and-trade-diversion/

On the diagram below it is possible to highlight the gains and losses in welfare:

  • There has been an increase in consumer surplus of areas 1 + 2 + 3 + 4.
  • There has been a reduction in the producer surplus of UK lamb producers of area 1.
  • There will be a loss of government tariff revenue of 3 + 5.

Slide12

Source: http://revisionguru.co.uk/revisionguru/economics-2/economics-a2-unit-4/european-union/trade-creation-and-trade-diversion/

The will be a net loss in UK welfare if 2 + 4 < 5.  It is possible that trade diversion will lead to an increase in UK welfare if 2 + 4 > 5. All in all this situation is full of ambiguity rather than the glories of straight out free trade were a country simply abolish the tariffs and buy from the cheapest supplier. As Paul Krugman explains:

If economists ruled the world, there would be no need for a World Trade Organization. The economist’s case for free trade is essentially a unilateral case – that is, it says that a country serves its own interests by pursuing free trade regardless of what other countries may do.

Or as Frederic Bastiat put it, it makes no more sense to be protectionist because other countries have tariffs than it would to block up our harbours because other countries have rocky coasts. So if our theories really held sway, there would be no need for trade treaties: global free trade would emerge spontaneously from the unrestricted pursuit of national interest.

Trade creation occurs if the abolition of tariffs between members of the customs union leads a member country to purchase products from another member country rather than producing it at higher cost itself.

Whether the trade creation of seats that trade to version requires very careful calculations such as those above .  Whether there is a net loss or net gain will depend upon how the elasticity of domestic demand and the size of the initial tariff.

It doesn’t take much trade diversion to offset any trade creation. The trade diversion must be to a supplier within the trade bloc that is not much more expensive than the global cheapest price.

Source: http://www.mhhe.com/economics/pugel12e/keygraph/graphkey10h.html

Viner noted that the greater the similarity of the production mixes of the member countries, the greater the scope for trade creation relative to trade diversion; the more different the production mixes, the greater the scope for trade diversion!

Viner recognized that countries forming a customs union would in fact not be likely to permit the extensive relocation and reorganization of industry required to realize the potential benefits from the finer division of labour. This led him to regard customs unions as:

“unlikely to prove a practicable and suitable remedy for today’s economic ills” but rather “a psychological barrier to the realization of the more desirable but less desired objectives of … the balanced multilateral reduction of trade barriers on a non-discriminatory basis”

The expansion of trade after the signing of preferential trading agreements such as the common market and the many that followed including those signed by New Zealand, Australia and NAFTA are consistent with both trade creation and trade diversion.

The quality of arguments mounted against preferential trade agreements are surprisingly poor.There are good economic arguments against them based on the trade diversion cancelling out the trade creation.

By introducing discriminatory treatment into the trading system, the  proliferation of preferential trade agreements promote costly trade diversion, interfere with the efficient operation of global business and allow great powers to extract unjustified concessions from weaker countries. These concessions can be  in areas such as intellectual property rights, the purchasing pharmaceuticals by government agencies and social clauses on issues such as environmental and labour standards. Krugman again:

Fortunately or unfortunately, however, the world is not ruled by economists. The compelling economic case for unilateral free trade carries hardly any weight among people who really matter.

If we nonetheless have a fairly liberal world trading system, it is only because countries have been persuaded to open their markets in return for comparable market-opening on the part of their trading partners.

Never mind that the “concessions” trade negotiators are so proud of wresting from other nations are almost always actions these nations should have taken in their own interest anyway; in practice countries seem willing to do themselves good only if others promise to do the same.

The last time a world trade agreement was negotiated Clinton was President, cell phones were as heavy as a brick and no one had heard of email.

David Friedman “Global Warming, Population, and the Problem with Externality Arguments”

Video

The selectivity of the renegade left on international law

International human rights and humanitarian law is a common port of call for the Left in a great many domestic policy debates. This is despite international law being the product of nation-states pursuing their own interests on the international stage.


International law does not pull states towards compliance when this contrary to their national interests. What international law can achieve is therefore rather limited.

International law is a part of international politics. States enter into treaties and other international legal institutions when doing so serves their interests. Any cooperation among states is a by-product of that rational, self-interested act.

The laws of war are governed by reciprocity, which can produce self-enforcing patterns of behaviour. Eric Posner explains:

The laws of war have a simple economic explanation.

When two states go to war, they foresee an endpoint, which will typically involve certain concessions by one state—the transfer of territory, monetary reparations, etc.

Given that both states will end up at some new equilibrium in terms of territory or wealth or power, it is best for both states if they can reach that equilibrium cheaply rather than expensively.

Before the twentieth century, European states and other major powers would presumptively respect the laws of war in wars among themselves but not wars with tribal groups they aimed to subdue.

In World War II, the rules were respected on the western front but not on the eastern front. On the Eastern front, there were long supply lines and the massive number of prisoners who were taken—both of these factors made it extremely costly to hold POWs in humane conditions. The Nazis also regarded Russians as subhuman, when one side launches a total war, the other side has no reason to respect the laws of war.

Human rights laws attempts to produce public goods and is thus subject to collective action problems.

International law that has not been ratified by domestic political processes has a severe democracy deficit because it is not subject to any kind of democratic electoral accountability.

International law-making itself is generally less transparent than domestic political processes, which further undermines democratic control of its content.

The Left is keen on international law despite it being influenced by nondemocratic and even totalitarian nations.

The UN universal declaration of human rights was watered down on requiring multi-party democracy and on the scope of the definition of genocide to accommodate Stalin’s many crimes in the name of socialism.

If you want to scratch a Leftist to find an economic nationalist, start talking about duties under international economic law.

A legal internationalist on the Left quickly become legal xenophobes when it suits them.

International economic law is adopted by mutual agreement bilaterally or multilaterally on a no vote, no veto basis such as at the WTO. Member countries sign the final agreements as they please. Any new rules have no effect until domestic parliaments ratify the agreement and amend local trade and investment laws.

The Left complains about any lack of transparency in international law and their implications for national sovereignty only when trade treaties are under discussion.

When it comes to international human rights  law or international environmental law, the most obscure or treaties ratified decades ago under different circumstances and often very limited purposes are holy writ.

These international laws  trump national sovereignty without question  and the will of the majority within a country and are open to the most free wheeling interpretations and private enforcement by busy bodies, do-gooders and activists with varying degrees of non-violence.

What is most disappointing about the Left and international law is their attempt to bully other countries over the tax rates.

If Sweden has the right to set high taxes, others have the equally sovereign right to set low taxes.

International law is not a cafeteria where you can pick what suits you. Just as there is international humanitarian law, there is international economic law. One in, all in?!

International economic law makes a far greater contribution to peace than any other part of international law. Free trade creates mutual dependencies among nations. Tariff walls do not promote peace.

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