

Celebrating humanity's flourishing through the spread of capitalism and the rule of law
26 Jan 2015 Leave a comment
in politics - Australia, politics - New Zealand, politics - USA Tags: activists, expressive voting, Greens, Leftover Left, political psychology, progressive left


25 Jan 2015 Leave a comment
in liberalism, politics - Australia, politics - New Zealand, politics - USA Tags: Charles Krauthammer, expressive voting, Leftover Left, media bias, rational ignorance, rational irrationality
24 Jan 2015 Leave a comment
Things are worse than in the 1980s. What nonsense.
24 Jan 2015 Leave a comment
in energy economics, industrial organisation, politics - Australia, politics - USA, resource economics Tags: autocracy, autocratic succession, cartel theory, creative destruction, David Friedman, M. A. Adelman, Middle-East politics, OPEC oil cartel
We are not living in the 70s, but nonetheless the death of the late unlamented Saudi dictator has flags at half-mast and other sycophantic behaviour that hasn’t been seen since the death of the last totalitarian dictator who was something of a player in geopolitics and American foreign policy.

We are not living in the 70s where the West in fear of the OPEC cartel and the behaviour of Saudi Arabia as the swing producer and purported cartel enforcer.
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OPEC and Saudi Arabia are both shadows of the former selves in terms of dominance in the global oil markets. OPEC as a whole represents about one third of global oil production, which was down for a little over 50% in 1973.

Within OPEC, Saudi Arabia As oil reserves that aren’t much bigger than those of either Iran or Venezuela. All of these countries, including Saudi Arabia have large populations and few other ways to servicing needs than from the oil revenues.

Russia is in the same position of needing to pump out as much oil as it can while letting someone else do the hard lifting regarding keeping the price of the oil up by cutting back production. US oil production has been on the rise, and has lessened the need for imported crude oil.

The best place to be in any cartel is outside the cartel selling as much as you can at the cartel price. The next best option is to be a cartel member, pretending to be a loyal while selling under the counter bias, much as you can. Recent discounts given by the Kingdom to some customers have been interpreted as showing a determination to maintain market share. David Friedman explains:
One great weakness of a cartel is that it is better to be out than in. A firm that is not a member is free to produce all it likes and sell it at or just below the cartel’s price.
The only reason for a firm to stay in the cartel and restrict its output is the fear that if it does not, the cartel will be weakened or destroyed and prices will fall.
A large firm may well believe that if it leaves the cartel, the remaining firms will give up; the cartel will collapse and the price will fall back to its competitive level.
But a relatively small firm may decide that its production increase will not be enough to lower prices significantly; even if the cartel threatens to disband if the small firm refuses to keep its output down, it is unlikely to carry out the threat.
Maurice Adelman regards the oil glut as the chronic condition of the world oil market, given the continuous tendency to underestimate reserves and undiscovered oil.
There was a glut 70 years ago, 50 years ago in 1933, 15 years ago in 1970 …But that condition of everlasting glut is periodically broken by dangers of oil shortage.
All cartels break-down and only some get back together. Cartels contain seeds of their own destruction. Cartel members are reducing their output below their existing potential production capacity, and once the market price increases, each member of the cartel has the capacity to raise output relatively easily. Adelman explains:
Opinions vary as to what is the right price for maximum profit, and opec has often had to find its right price through trial and error…
Each opec member could reap a windfall by cheating and producing over quota because the cost of production is so far below the market price. But, if some cartel members were to defect, output would climb and the prices — and windfall profits — would fall.
OPEC members pay scant regard to their actual production quotas and their national production quotas are always increased when push comes to shove. As Bill Allen said:
Long-term survival of the cartel has two fundamental requirements: first, cheating by a member on the stipulated prices, outputs and markets must be detectable; second, detected cheating must be adequately punishable without leading to a break-up of the cartel.


All cartels must decide how to allocate the reduction of output that follows the price increases across members with different costs structures and spare capacity.:
The exercise of collective market power will not be stable unless sellers agree on prices and production shares; on how to divide the profits; on how to enforce the agreement; on how to deal with cheating; and on how to prevent new entry.

A cartel is in the unenviable position of having to satisfy everyone, for one dissatisfied producer can bring about the feared price competition and the disintegration of the cartel. Thus a successful cartel must follow a policy of continual compromise. Little wonder that John. S McGee wrote that:
The history of cartels is the history of double crossing.
Was it important to suck up to the Saudi dictator because of its role as swing producer in OPEC. In 1983, 1984, and 1986, for example, the Saudis produced only about 3.5 million barrels per day, despite their (then) production capacity of about 10 million barrels per day. Whatever else you can say about those production cutbacks to defend posted OPEC cartel price, they were a long time ago.
Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates have large reserves relative to the financial needs of their population but what they have is only a small share of global reserves and global production of oil and trivial share if you add global shale production.

With the exception of the wake of the 1979 Iranian upheaval, and market anticipation of a possible destruction of substantial reserves in the 1990–1991 and 2003 Gulf wars, real prices of crude oil fell from 1974 through 2003. Prices increased in 2004 onwards because of demand in Asia.
Bryan Caplan summarised the views of leading oil economist James Hamilton in 2008 as follows:
1. OPEC has almost no effect on world oil prices; most countries produce less than their quota, and when countries want to produce more, their quota goes up.
2. The price of oil follows a random walk. But the oil industry isn’t trying very hard to develop new sources because oil execs believe that the price of oil is mean-reverting (i.e., what goes up must come down). Why are the oil execs so wrong? Hamilton’s guess: They’re putting too much weight on their last big experience with high oil prices in the 70s and 80s.
No amount of cutting can support prices when supply outside OPEC is growing strongly and demand is weak in the wake of the global financial crisis and the slower recoveries both in the USA and Europe. Hamilton’s current view is that:
…of the observed 45% decline in the price of oil, 19 percentage points– more than 2/5– might be reflecting new indications of weakness in the global economy.
Whatever reason people are sucking up to the dead Saudi dictator, they have nothing to do with the global oil market.

23 Jan 2015 1 Comment
in Austrian economics, constitutional political economy, F.A. Hayek, liberalism, politics - Australia, politics - New Zealand, politics - USA Tags: Australian Broadcasting Commission (ABC), Monday Conference, Road to Serfdom

This summary by Hayek of the contemporary meaning of socialism in the 1930s and 1940s was relatively accurate.
You must remember that clause 4 of the British Labour Party’s manifesto committing that party to the socialisation of the means of production, distribution and exchange was only dropped relatively recently at the impetus of Tony Blair.
The Australian Labor Party still includes the socialisation of the means of production, distribution and exchange as one of its objectives.
There were stronger divisions in the inter-war labour parties in Britain, Australia and New Zealand about whether the party should be committed to full socialism, Christian socialism or social democracy. It has been forgotten that the labour parties of Britain, Australia and New Zealand had many fall on the socialists within that party.
The Labour Party of Michael Foot in the 1983 British general election ran on a hard left manifesto, with Tony Benn and the Trotskyist entryist group Militant Tendency, which had several MPs, wanting a full socialist agenda in 1980s Britain.
21 Jan 2015 Leave a comment
in economics of education, politics - Australia, politics - New Zealand, survivor principle Tags: chartered schools, School choice
20 Jan 2015 Leave a comment
in applied welfare economics, politics - Australia, politics - New Zealand Tags: Leftover Left, poverty and inequlaity, top 1%
| New Zealand | Australia | |
| Has the dispersion of earnings been increasing in recent decades? | Yes, the top decile has risen from 143 per cent of median in 1986 to 186 per cent in 2012. | Yes, top decile of earnings has increased from 175 per cent of median in 1975 to 215 per cent in 2012. |
| Has overall inequality increased in recent years? | No, the Gini coefficient has been relatively stable around 32 percent since 1996. However, it rose by 7 percentage points between 1988 and 1996. | Yes, Gini coefficient has increased by 5 percentage points since 1981. |
| Have there been periods when overall inequality fell for a sustained period? | Yes, from mid-1950s to mid-1970s. | Yes, overall inequality and top shares fell from early 1950s to end of the 1970s. |
| Has poverty been falling or rising in recent decades? | Poverty has substantially increased from 1996 to 2004 before decreasing mildly till 2009. | Risen since 1981. |
| Has there been a U-pattern for top income shares over time? | Yes, top gross income shares fell from mid-1950s to mid-1980s, then rose from mid-1980s to mid-1990s. | Yes, top gross income shares fell from 1921 to around 1980 and then began to rise, reaching pre-war levels before the 2007 crisis. |
| Has the distribution of wealth followed the same pattern as income? | Insufficient evidence. | Yes, the share in total wealth of the wealthiest 1% of the population dropped more than threefold from 1915 to the end of 1970s before rising again till the onset of 2007 crisis. However, the rise was not sufficient to return to pre-war levels of concentration. |
| Additional noteworthy features | U-shape over post-war period. Top income shares estimates for the years 1998, 1999 and 2000 are affected by changes in the income tax laws. Top shares series have a break in 1951 (change in tax units). | Rising inequality on all (observable) dimensions for past thirty years. |
Australia has become more unequal over the past 30 years as compared to New Zealand, but it is also become 30% richer than New Zealand.
Looks like John Rawls was right for the average Australian as compared to the average New Zealander. Australia is a more unequal society but a far richer society because of it, which is a fair deal if Rawls is to be believing.
Figure 1: New Zealand inequality chart book

Figure 2: Australian inequality chart book

You are welcome to share but please refer to A. B. Atkinson and S. Morelli (2014) – ‘The Chartbook of Economic Inequality’ at http://www.ChartbookOfEconomicInequality.com
This visualisation is licensed under a Creative Commons BY-NC-SA license, Data visualisation by: Max Roser
20 Jan 2015 Leave a comment
in applied welfare economics, politics - Australia, politics - New Zealand, politics - USA Tags: Leftover Left, Oxfam, Thomas Piketty
18 Jan 2015 Leave a comment
in labour economics, politics - Australia, politics - New Zealand, politics - USA Tags: single parenthood
14 Jan 2015 1 Comment
in economic history, macroeconomics, politics - Australia, politics - New Zealand Tags: East Germany, Germany, immigration, Trans-Tasman income gap
When I pointed to Jennifer Hunt’s so titled paper freshly released in 2000 on why does anyone still live in East Germany, none of my New Zealand colleagues understood the parallel with their own country.
The wage gap between East and West Germany is about the same as the wage gap between Australia and New Zealand.
There are in fact bigger language, or more correctly dialect differences between Germany than there are across the Tasman Sea between New Zealanders and Australians. Educational standards are similar between New Zealanders and Australians.


In 1997 GDP per capita in East Germany was 57% of that of West Germany, wages were 75% of western levels, and the unemployment rate was at least double the western rate of 7.8%.

The wage gap across the Tasman between New Zealand and Australia is about one third. Wage gaps between East and West Germany and between Australia and New Zealand are about the same.

Australia and New Zealand have a single integrated labour market. Any New Zealander Australian is free to work in the other country.
New Zealanders are not eligible for social security benefits if they first arrived in Australia after mid-2001. Prior to 2001, New Zealanders have the same rights as Australians for social security benefits.
One would expect that if capital flows and trade in goods failed to bring convergence between East and West Germany, labour flows should respond, enhancing overall efficiency.
Same goes between Australia and New Zealand. About 35,000 New Zealanders used to move to Australia each year, but that’s recently dried up to about zero. Funnily enough, by the late 1990s net emigration from East Germany has fallen from high levels in 1989-1990 to close to zero.

Jennifer Hunt found through her analysis of the eastern sample of the German Socio-Economic Panel for 1990-1997 that commuting is unlikely to substitute substantially for emigration.
Wage convergence between the East and the West was a main factor that stemmed immigration. The individual-level data further indicate that emigrants are disproportionately young and skilled, and that individuals suffering a layoff or non-employment spell are also much more likely to emigrate. This is all as predicted by the Roy model of immigration self-selection.


Like all human capital investments, both international and within country migration is based on the comparison of the present value of lifetime earnings in all available employment opportunities. Individuals compare the potential incomes and the destination country with the income in the home countries, and make the migration decision based on these income differentials (net of mobility costs).
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