Just how expensive is Keytruda @annetterongotai @JordNZ @VernonSmall @AndrewLittleMP – updated

At $30 million per year just to treat stage IV melanoma cancer, Keytruda is number two with a bullet. The second most expensive drug on the Pharmac budget of $800 million would be based on a political decision by an opposition party keen to win office if the Labour Party had its way.

Source: Pharmac Annual Review 2014, p. 11.

Funding Keytruda at $200,000 per treatment for all 2,000 melanoma patients would consume about 60% of the Pharmac budget.

There are plenty more similar wonder drugs coming down the pipe. This really is a floodgates issue, not just a slippery slope to politicisation.

Are @JulieAnneGenter @BjornLomborg attending the same #COP21

Why didn’t @MaxRashbrooke chart the top 1%’s wealth?

The latest research of Max Rashbrooke on trends in wealth was in the Dominion Post today. The breathless reporter used it to say that:

The elite and high-income earners of New Zealand have increased their wealth by almost $200 billion while debt among the poorest has climbed to $7b…

The net wealth of the top 10 per cent has increased dramatically while the bottom 10 per cent of Kiwis face increasing levels of debt in the billions of dollar…

The data in the Dominion Post today consisted of a time series of the top 10% and the bottom 10% share of net wealth and an interactive pie chart showing the distribution of wealth.

When you chart the data published by Max Rashbrooke as a time series rather than an interactive pie chart, today is not quite the day for the down-trodden proletariat to kick in the rotten door of neoliberal capitalism to start the permanent revolution.

It is not much of a call to the barricades to say that just about every section of New Zealand society became much richer in a short six-year period – their wealth increased by between 60-80% between 2004 and 2010 as shown in the chart below. The middle class has been doing just swimmingly between 2004 and 2010: up from $194 billion to $348 billion in a short six years. This is an increase of 80% in six years. So rapid an increase that the sceptics among you might start to doubt the accuracy of the data either at the beginning or by the end.

Source: Geoff Rashbrooke, Max Rashbrooke and Wilma Molano, Wealth Disparities in NZ Institute for Governance and Policy Studies (November 2015).

Furthermore, no section of society noticeably increased their share of wealth as shown in the chart below. Further evidence of how lazy is the top 1% is in New Zealand. Their wealth increased only by 56% between 2004 and 2010. Having the wealth of the top 1% increase by less than every group in society bar the bottom 10% qualifies as a dramatic increase in inequality by the journalistic standards of the Dominion Post. The wealth of the top 10% increased between 2004 and 2010 by 68% – no more than any other group in society bar the top bottom 10%. That too is a dramatic increase in inequality by Dominion Post standards.

Source: Geoff Rashbrooke, Max Rashbrooke and Wilma Molano, Wealth Disparities in NZ Institute for Governance and Policy Studies (November 2015) via The richest 10 per cent own $436 billion of New Zealand’s wealth: research | Stuff.co.nz.

Joan Robinson in the 1940s was on to this failure of capitalism to impoverish the proletarian when she said the battle cry of Marxists would have to change from the 1848 version “rise up ye workers, rise up for you have nothing to lose but your chains” to “rise up ye workers, rise up for you have nothing to lose but the prospect of a suburban home and a motorcar”.


Today that battle cry of the Marxist revolution would have to be “rise up ye workers rise up for you have nothing to lose but your iPhone and your air points”. As Joan Robinson observed in the 1940s, that’s not much of a basis for a revolutionary movement.

The Twitter Left are grumpy buggers because a rapid increase in wealth that is broad-based across New Zealand society – lifting up 90% of New Zealand society – for them is only another reason to complain.

The minimum wage increases the gender wage gap at the bottom

Geoff Simmons is one of many to argue that the gender wage gap is smaller at the bottom end of the labour market because of the minimum wage. For example, the explanation of the Economic Policy Institute for greater gender pay equality at the bottom is the minimum wage:

The minimum wage is partially responsible for this greater equality among the lowest earners—it sets a wage floor that applies to everyone, which means that people near the bottom of the distribution are likely to make more equal wages. Also, low-wage workers are disproportionately women, which means that the minimum wage particularly bolsters women’s wages.

This is plainly wrong as a question of economic theory and political history. One effect of minimum wages is it lowers the cost of discrimination against the employment of less-preferred workers. Since the employer has to pay the minimum wage hour no matter whom he hires, the cost of discriminating on the basis of sex or race is less.


That is why South African whites at the beginning of and all through the apartheid era demanded that blacks be paid the minimum wage: they wanted to cheapen the cost of discrimination.

Minimum wages were initially introduced in the USA shortly after 1900 solely for women and children. The express aim was to price women out of jobs and raise men’s wages by enough so that they could provide for their families.

Tim Leonard in Protecting Family and Race The Progressive Case for Regulating Women’s Work showed that these women-only minimum wages were justified by political progressive including women on grounds that they would:

(1) Protect the biologically weaker sex from the hazards of market work;

(2) Protect working women from the temptation of prostitution;

(3) Protect male heads of household from the economic competition of women; and

(4) Ensure that women could better carry out their eugenic duties as “mothers of the race.”

These days some argue that minimum wages actually increase employment. Times change, and the slopes of supply and demand curves for labour must change with them.

If there is a minimum wage, the cost to employers of indulging their conscious prejudices or an unconscious bias are less. This is because a minimum wage set above the market clearing wage will cause unemploymentBecause jobs must be rationed, the costs of indulging a prejudice or succumbing to an unconscious bias are reduced and along with that the market mechanisms that wear down discrimination by employers.

Part of the explanation of the gender wage gap is interruptions in labour force participation because of motherhood reduces the time available to them for job shopping. The first 10 to 15 years of most careers, most working lives, is spent job shopping.

Job shopping is where wages grow through the accumulation of search capital. By moving between 6 to 10 jobs in their first 10 to 15 years in the workforce, a worker finds better and better matches for their skills and talents. They worked their way into the better paying job simply because they have had more time to find a good job match between the changing array of vacancies and their idiosyncratic set of skills and work history.

The minimum wage frustrates this job shopping by denying some women their initial stepping stone into the labour market both when they are a teenager and when they are returning from time spent caring for children. This is in addition to the minimum wage increasing the gender wage gap from reducing the costs of discrimination to employers.

The minimum wage reduces women’s opportunities to get a foothold in the labour market and build on that foothold through job shopping.

Crime has been trending downwards for 20 years in New Zealand

https://www.facebook.com/FigureNZ/photos/pb.374053709279073.-2207520000.1449201572./1084317054919398/?type=3&theater

Are women just too smart to be computer scientists?

Jim Rose's avatarUtopia, you are standing in it!

Women started drifting away from computer science in the mid-1980s. The interpretation put forward by the professional grievance industry, that is, by National Public Radio in the USA is:

The share of women in computer science started falling at roughly the same moment when personal computers started showing up in U.S. homes in significant numbers.

These early personal computers weren’t much more than toys. You could play pong or simple shooting games, maybe do some word processing.

And these toys were marketed almost entirely to men and boys. This idea that computers are for boys became a narrative. It became the story we told ourselves about the computing revolution. It helped define who geeks were, and it created techie culture.

Source: NPR

Another interpretation is there are systematic differences between teenage boys and teenage girls in verbal and written skills. Young women moved away from enrolling in computer…

View original post 224 more words

Voter turnout in New Zealand

More will quietly die waiting if Pharmac is politicised @AndrewLittleMP @annetterongotai

https://twitter.com/KevinHague/status/673665100637560832

Green Party health spokesman Kevin Hague is right on the money when he says that Pharmac should not be politicised.

The promise of the opposition leader Andrew Little to fund an extremely expensive semi wonder drug from melanoma turned down for Pharmac funding was as unwise as it was well-meaning. The decision of the Labor Party to launch an online petition to fund the drug was unwise to the point of ghoulishness.

The leader of the opposition has promised to spend $200,000 per a drug that doesn’t work 66% of the time, but helps 34% of patients and cures 6% of patients. The average increase in life expectancy as a result of taking this new drug is about 18 months.

The limited last stage of cancer funding that was turned down was to cost $30 million: that is nearly 4% of Pharmac’s $800 million budget. Funding for the entire 2000 melanoma patients who might benefit from this new drug would cost more than half the entire Pharmac budget for a year – just one drug would cost this much!

Remember too that there are plenty more of these expensive semi-wonder drugs coming down the pipe.

There is rationing in every area of government. There is always some poor bastard just over the other side of the line and all too often he has a sad story to tell.

In the health sector there always be someone who’s lifesaving drug was almost funded but was not, who was second on the organ donation waiting list or would have lived if the waiting list for surgery at the local public hospital was just that little bit shorter.

The proper response of ministers and parliament is to decide how much to allocate to each area, the rules whereby this funding is distributed and then appoint high-quality people to administer those rules. Fairness in this type of rationing is adherence to the rules laid down in advance by ministers and parliament.

Naturally, everyone be horrified if a politician was deciding who got the next kidney transplant. There are be outrage if a patient moved up the hospital waiting list because of political intervention.

It is the case of the seen and the unseen: it is obvious that someone misses out if there is politicisation of the kidney transplant waiting list or hospital waiting lists.

It is not so obvious that someone else’s drug is funded less generously or not at all if another drug with better publicists and lobbyist moves up the list for funding.

The reason why there is a separation of powers in medical rationing is to stop these injustices – to stop favouritism. Politicians fund the system and hire experts to administer it impartially.

Gordon Tullock wrote a 1979 New York Law Review book about avoiding difficult choices. His review was of a book by Guido Calabresi and Philip Bobbitt called Tragic Choices. This book was about tragic choices involved in the allocation of kidney dialysis machines (a “good”), military service in wartime (a “bad”), and entitlements to have children (a mixed blessing).

Tullock argued that we make a decision about rationing resources through the following steps:

  1. how much resources to allocate,
  2. how to distribute the allocated resources, and
  3. how to think about the previous two choices, which may have been very personally unpleasant to make because some had to miss out with tragic consequences for them.

To reduce the personal distress of making these tragic choices, Tullock observed that people often allocate and distribute resources in a different way so as to better conceal from themselves the unhappy choices they had to make. This includes funding drugs that have been refused by Pharmac if their supporters can mount a good publicity campaign.

Critically for our purposes here, Tullock argue that they do this even if this less personally distressing system of allocation and distribution means the recipients of these choices as a group are worse off and more lives are lost than if more open and honest choices about there are can only be so much that can be done to save lives. By less personally distressing, Tullock meant less personally distressing to the people making the decisions.

Campaigns to fund drugs remind the public of the specific individuals and groups who missed out on a potentially life-saving new drug. If the campaign presses the right buttons, the new drug is funded to make them go away and stop reminding politicians and the public of the tragic consequences of health budget rationing.

Hear no evil, see no evil. Politicians and the public are willing to pay to not be reminded of the tragic consequences of rationing in the health and pharmaceuticals budget.

Resources are reallocated and redistributed in a way that the political decision makers are less likely to find out that some patients missed out. Kevin Hague is absolutely right when he says

If $30Mn is spent every year on Keytruda, it won’t be available for other people with different conditions, on drugs for which it says it has better evidence of health gain. One of the missing parts of the debate is the voice of those whose lives will be saved, extended or otherwise improved because the medicines they need can be funded.

Hague with the chief executive of a district health board when there is a concerted public campaign to fund a breast cancer drug. Long courses of Herceptin had been turned down for Pharmac funding. The National Party campaigned in a subsequent election for the funding of this drug despite knowing the reservations of Pharmac about its cost effectiveness.

The trick is funding the drug sought by patients complaining about missing out by allocating less resources to many different current and future funding areas. These must be areas of funding where patients don’t know they are missing out or are waiting longer and perhaps living shorter lives as a result.

This concealment of the tragic choices involved in how the health system must allocate and distribute pharmaceutical funding is playing out before our very eyes this week.

Andrew Little by promising to fund and John Key by saying he might consider funding this particular semi-wonder drug does not increase the size of the Pharmac budget.

Unless the Pharmac budget is increased, someone else misses out on their lifesaving drug but we will never know who they are. Because they cannot complain because they do not know they have been disadvantaged by such political machinations, their political angst is not taken into account in the brutal political calculus of concealing of the tragic reality of medical rationing.

There is talk of an early access scheme. All that means is additional funding that could have gone to Pharmac’s next on its waiting list goes to politically sexier new drugs with less promise to save lives. If there is no additional funding, an early access scheme would institutionalise the politicisation of the tragic choices Pharmac must make every week.

Everybody is better off if ministers and the parliament face up to making tragic choices in drug funding and the rest of the health sector. Covering that up by funding whatever new drug gets in the media makes the issue go away for the next few news cycles but more patients die because they are moved down the waiting list for life-saving healthcare.

@suemoroney more generous maternity leave increases the gender wage gap @JanLogie

Source: Why Are Women Paid Less? – The Atlantic.

image

Source: AEAweb: AER (103,3) p. 251 – Female Labor Supply: Why Is the United States Falling Behind?

New Zealand exports to China

New Zealand real petrol prices since 1974

Welfare benefit receipt of the New Zealand working age population

https://www.facebook.com/FigureNZ/photos/pb.374053709279073.-2207520000.1449201572./1091952534155850/?type=3&theater

Nearly one in six New Zealand children live in workless households

Electricity and gas prices doubled since 2000 @charles_finny @MatthewHootonNZ

Auckland, Wellington and Canterbury housing costs to income ratios since 2007

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