American opinions on abortion don’t differ that much by gender

Women have in recent years been more likely than men to hold the two absolute positions on abortion — saying it should be either legal under any circumstances or illegal in all circumstances — but these differences are not large.

Within various age and partisan categories, men and women are mostly similar in their views. Only with respect to education, specifically those with a college education, is there a sizable gender gap.

College-educated women are significantly more likely than college-educated men to believe abortion should be legal under any circumstances.

via Education Trumps Gender in Predicting Support for Abortion.

In the broadest terms, the largest segments of Republicans and Democrats have consistently preferred the middle "legal only under certain circumstances" abortion position.

What’s changed since 1975 is that the percentage of Republicans favouring the "illegal in all circumstances" position has grown and the percentage favouring the "legal under any circumstances" position has decreased. The reverse pattern is seen among Democrats.

via Republicans’, Dems’ Abortion Views Grow More Polarized.

The question I ask is why isn’t this substantial number of women with reservations to varying degrees about abortion not represented by the feminists who claim to speak on their behalf in the media?

via Americans Misjudge U.S. Abortion Views.

Another example of the speed of preference reversal

Further evidence of the success of the 1996 US welfare reforms and a lack of wage stagnation

The Hispanic vote in American elections, past and future

The effectiveness of environmentalists in mobilising public opinion

The essence of media bias in America

How much snow it typically takes to cancel school in the US

College graduates don’t really notice recessions

Social change is rapid – opinion on same-sex marriage version

Hauser’s Law: No matter what post-war tax rates have been, tax revenues remained at about 19.5% of GDP in the USA

via Political Calculations: Hauser’s Law.

Who pays the highest income tax rate?

On the New Deal and the rule of law

The Left over Left is withering away

Richard Nixon’s public choice economics of the Vietnam anti-war movement

The Vietnam anti-war movement were primarily the result of the draft: hell no, we won’t go and the burning of draft cards. Richard Nixon was as cunning a rat who ever occupied the Oval Office. He was elected in 1968 to end the Vietnam war and to end the draft.

Nixon had an intuitive economic understanding that the anti-war movement’s rioting in the streets and campuses was very much motivated by private gain. In particular, the threat of being drafted. The notion that revolutions and political movements are motivated by private gain is not new.

Vietnamisation changed everything. In 1969, Nixon started the process of phasing down the sending of further combat troops to Vietnam and the phasing down of the draft. US troop withdrawal started on July 1st 1969 with completion dates – December 1970, June 1971 and December 1972.

By the beginning of 1972, over 400,000 U.S. military personnel had been withdrawn, virtually all combat troops. The protests were against ending up in the jungle – not up the rear with the gear. There were 24,000 US troops in Vietnam in 1972. This compares to 560,000+ in 1969.

A Vietnam vet told me that when he returned to his U.S. campus in 1971 for graduate studies, it was very quite compared to 1969 because the spectre of the draft had gone in their minds.

The anti-war movement was really motivated by hell no, we won’t go. As soon as the prospect of going to Vietnam faded away, so did the anti-war movement.

This is how fast America changed its mind on the biggest social issues

 

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