“It is entirely possible to rapidly switch our energy systems to 100 percent renewables” – Naomi Klein

Jacobson and Delucchi think we can replace all coal, oil, natural gas, and nuclear power by 2030 with wind, solar, and hydropower while fueling a fleet of electric cars.

How? By deploying 3.8 million 5-megawatt wind turbines, 5,350 100-megawatt geothermal plants, 500,000 1-megawatt tidal turbines, 720,000 0.75-megawatt wave power generators, 1.7 billion 3-kilowatt rooftop solar panels, 40,000 300-megawatt solar panel farms, and 49,000 300-megawatt concentrated solar power plants.

Annual global investment target Current  global stock
250,000 wind turbines 225,000 wind turbines
113 million rooftop solar panel systems 11.3 million

Delucchi and Jacobson estimate a price tag of about $100 trillion for their program.

That entails spending about $6.6 trillion per year from now until 2030, more than 11 percent of the entire world’s 2013 output of $75 trillion.

Naomi Klein cited Jacobson and Delucchi to support her proposition that 100% renewable energy systems is possible.

HT: reason.com/naomi-klein-changes-nothing

Wellington City Council builds inner city children’s sandpit next to red-stickered buildings marked for collapse in next earthquake

Green bigots international

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Solutions should reflect the problem definition and analysis: Duncan Garner on child poverty

Duncan Garner wrote a passionate column yesterday in the local paper calling for gutsy action on child poverty.

His analysis of the causes of child poverty in New Zealand was good. Garner’s solutions had nothing to do with what he had identified as the causes of child poverty. As Garner himself wrote:

… in order to tackle poverty it’s important to attempt to define what it means today.

Poverty is children living in crowded, damp homes who don’t get three square meals a day.

They may not have their own bed, they won’t see a doctor when they’re sick and many of them will be admitted to hospital with serious poverty-related illnesses such as respiratory problems and skin infections.

They may live in households where paying the rent accounts for 60 per cent of the family’s income every week.

Garner then discussed the plight of one particular family in Auckland:

The parents are nice people, with seven children.

They shared a tiny home with three other adults and another child.

Dad works full-time at a meat factory and they had been waiting 10 months for a state house. They had beds in the dining room and lounge.

They couldn’t afford the cost of a private rental home. One son, aged 11, had a serious lung problem. I saw poverty in action that day and it was deeply disturbing. I highlighted their plight on my radio show and within weeks a shamed Housing NZ had found them a home.

The family Garner discussed is in a tiny house because they lacked the income to rent a better one. They must rely on social housing provided by government with income related rents.

Recurring through his problem definition is the impact that rising housing costs is having on the poor.

Nonetheless, Garner then advocates cash payments to low income families, a tax credit system seen as more generous and inclusive, and a back to school bonus without addressing the supply of housing.

The evidence is overwhelming in New Zealand that the main driver of the increases in the child poverty since the 1980s is rising housing costs.

In the longer run after housing costs child poverty rates in 2013 were close to double what they were in the late 1980s mainly because housing costs in 2013 were much higher relative to income than they were in the late 1980s.

– Bryan Perry, 2014 Household Incomes Report – Key Findings. Ministry of Social Development (July 2014).

Any policy to reduce child poverty must increase the supply of houses by reducing regulatory restrictions on the supply of land.

The Metropolitan Limit confines the expansion of Auckland beyond the existing built-up area. This regulatory constraint explains the exceptionally high housing price-income ratio of Auckland.

The limit imposed on the horizontal expansion of the city in green fields encourages increases in residential prices. As demand for new housing increases, no new land supply can enter the market and stem price rises in response to this increased demand.

urban limit

If you serious about child poverty, you have to criticise government regulation: the dead hand of the Resource Management Act (RMA) on the poor and the vulnerable.

The Greens are the heirs of the 19th century Tory squires

Jim Rose's avatarUtopia, you are standing in it!

The Greens are no more than a reincarnation of the 19th century British Tory Radicals with their aristocratic sensibilities that combined strong support for centralised power with a paternalistic concern for the plight of the poor:

  • 19th century Tory radicals opposed the middle classes and the aesthetic ugliness they associated with an industrial economy; and
  • Like the 19th century Tory Radicals, today’s green gentry see the untamed middle classes as the true enemy.

Environmentalists have an aristocratic vision of a stratified, terraced society in which the knowing ones would order society for the rest of us.

Environmentalism offered the extraordinary opportunity to combine the qualities of virtue and selfishness

Many left-wingers thought they were expressing an entirely new and progressive philosophy as they mouthed the same prejudices as Trollope’s 19th century Tory squires: attacking any further expansion of industry and commerce as impossibly vulgar, because it was:

View original post 346 more words

Winston Churchill on the growth of knowledge

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Paul Krugman’s One Bad Idea – John Goodman

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Henry Hazlitt on the mythology of the minimum wage

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George Stigler (1982) on why the working class did not vote for the Green Party in the 2014 NZ election–part 1

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Who Is More Irrational – Consumers or Regulators?

A study by Ted Gayer and W. Kip Viscusi looked into this implied irrationality of consumers. They have found no empirical evidence to support the view that if consumers are so irrational that government agencies must prohibit certain energy consuming products for us to make the right choices:

Rather than accept the implications that consumers and firms are acting so starkly against their economic interest, a more plausible explanation is that there is something incorrect in the assumptions being made in the regulatory impact analyses.

Indeed, upon closer inspection it is apparent that there is no empirical evidence provided for the types of consumer failures alleged.

Even the EPA acknowledged this logical gap in its economic analysis of energy efficiency regulations:

it is a conundrum from an economic perspective that these large fuel savings have not been provided by automakers and purchased by consumers

Not surprisingly Kip Viscusi observed that

The regulatory impact analyses examined in this study contain virtually no empirical evidence to support the irrationality proposition.

• This proposition ignores the fact that consumers and firms purchase products based on a number of factors—only one of which is energy efficiency.

• Government agencies exhibit a parochial bias by ignoring all product attributes other than energy efficiency.

Don Boudreaux on unsustainable platitudes

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Food snobs alert: Organic Farms Don’t Use Pesticides?

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Food snobs alert: Organic Foods are Healthier?

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Frank Knight on the expressive politics of price controls

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What is sustainability – Robert Solow

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