.@TheAusInstitute will EU finance ministers welcome 15% British company tax?

If the Australian Institute’s analysis of company tax cuts is to be believed, European Union member states must be rubbing their hands in glee at the extra tax revenue that will flow to them because of Britain’s plans to cut its company tax rate to 15%.

Their analysis is a company tax cut in Australia, or in this case Britain, will simply mean more taxes will be paid in the home country of the foreign investing owned company when it repatriates dividends.

Ireland was relentlessly bullied over its 12.5% company tax rates by the rest of the European Union. Facts speaks louder than words and the Australia Institute economic analysis.

You do wonder why losing finance ministers complain about lowering of company taxes as a race to the bottom. They are complaining because they are losing foreign investment to lower company tax jurisdictions.

Why Do Governments Enact Price Controls?

#Corporatewelfare since 2008 @JordNZ @MatthewHootonNZ @GrantRobertson1 @stevenljoyce

My latest corporate welfare report is out at the Taxpayers Union website. The company tax could be 6 percentage points lower but for this generosity of politicians picking winners.

image

Source: New Zealand Budget Papers, various years.

It is not as bad as you think under the last Labour  government budget. $700 million of  those hand-outs to business was seed capital for agricultural research institute. That institute to be run out of the investment income on that $700 million one-off injection which the incoming National Party-led government cancelled.

Another $675 million in that last Labour budget was to KiwiRail and OnTrack. Other than that, the Labour Party ran a pretty tight ship on business subsidies. There are no particular record of picking winners. Labour did buy a real loser in KiwiRail. You heard it here first.

Deirdre McCloskey: What are the biggest misunderstandings about capitalism?

Is capitalism inherently exploitative of these workers?

@TheAusInstitute @BenOquist wrong to say every economist agrees on effects of company tax cut

Source: Company tax cut won’t help Australian economy, jobs – Crikey.

It is unfortunate that the Australia Institute today misspoke when it claimed that every economist agrees that the effect of a company tax rate cut is small.

The top economists in the field of public economics disagree. Their views are freely available on the Internet. They are easiest to find by googling the words abolish the corporate tax. Optimal rate of tax on capital is zero are other good words to Google.

Source: Abolish the Corporate Income Tax – The New York Times.

It has been well known for decades of the optimal rate of tax on income from capital and from capital gains are zero. The Australia Institute has joined with Paul Krugman in not reporting this as Greg Mankiw explains

Paul Krugman responds to my post about a recent column of his.  He is correct that not all economists agree that low capital taxation is desirable; he appropriately cites Diamond and Saez, who are on the high-capital-tax side of this debate. FYI, here is another recent paper, written in part as a response to Diamond and Saez, which finds that optimal rates of capital taxation, while positive, are quite low.

But that is not really the issue. If Paul had said “reasonable economists disagree, here are the arguments, and here is why I tend to favor one side rather than the other” I would not have objected.

Instead, in his original column, he wrote as if there were no reasonable arguments for the policy pursued by the Bush administration, and he attributed the most vile motives to those who advanced the policy.

This episode illustrates a fundamental difference between Paul and me.  I try not to assume the worst in other people, just because they disagree with me.

Taxes on incomes from capital should be much lower because capital migrates from high-tax to low-tax locations, reducing capital-to-labour ratios in the higher company tax countries.

The low-tax on income from capital countries experience higher capital-to-labour ratios, a higher marginal product of labour, and higher wages. Robert Lucas described abolishing taxes on income from capital is one of the few genuinely free lunches out there in applied welfare economics.

Mankiw and Weinzierl “Dynamic Scoring: A Back-of-the-Envelope Guide,” Journal of Public Economics (September 2006): 1415-1433 argue that, in the long run, about 17% of a cut in individual income taxes is recouped through higher economic growth. For a cut in company taxes, their figure is 50%.

The Australia Institute manages to put itself in the contradictory position of saying a company tax rate just means more revenue for the IRS in the USA but Google, Facebook and other multinationals managed to avoid tax on a massive stale through tax havens. If the former is correct, their less company tax in Australia means more company tax paid in the USA means multinationals must be rather unsuccessful at avoiding tax through tax havens.

Multinationals are both avoiding company tax in Australia and offshore and paying it in full in the USA if Australia’s company taxes cut if the Australian Institute is to be believed today.

The Australia Institute obviously has not picked up on the relentless bullying that Ireland was subject to by the rest of the European Union over its 12.5% company tax.

The Irish company tax rate of 12.5% was initially on export profits. To finesse European Union member state complaints about that 12.5% company tax rate on discrimination grounds, the Irish government extended that low rate to all companies in 1995.

I am yet to see a minister of finance welcoming a company tax cut in a competing jurisdiction, rubbing his hands in anticipation of greater tax revenues on the foreign profits of multinationals that are headquartered in his country.

If there is an ounce of sense in what the Australia Institute said about foreign taxmen benefiting from low company taxes in Australia, high corporate tax rate countries such as Germany, France and the USA should welcome low company tax rates in destination countries for foreign investment originating in those countries but they do not.

Rather than seek tax harmonisation, high tax country should welcome low company taxes in competing investment destinations but they do not. Why is this so if the Australia Institute is making sense?

The Nordic countries follow optimal tax theory and have high but flat taxes on labour income, low taxes on business income and a high, broad-based consumption tax. That is the only way they can fund their welfare states.

The Nordics are alert to not killing the goose that laid the golden egg. Company taxes are relatively low in Scandinavian countries as compared to the USA so that businesses do not flee to other jurisdictions.

A large welfare state such as those in the Nordic countries require a significant amount of revenue, so the tax base in these countries must be broad. This  also means higher taxes on consumption through the VAT or GST and higher taxes on middle-income taxpayers.

Business taxes are a less reliable source of revenue because of capital flight and disincentives to invest. Thus, the Nordics do not place above-average tax burdens on capital income and focus taxation on labour and consumption. All those nuances are lost if you are to believe the Australia Institute today.

@NZGreens @jamespeshaw forgot how much NZ’s deposit insurance recently cost taxpayers

The Greens co-leader James Shaw has today called for New Zealand to re-introduce deposit insurance saying that

“It would be a small levy placed on the banks, which would go into an insurance fund. It’s been operating successfully in many, many other countries.” But Mr Shaw said the Government and Reserve Bank keep putting off the change, saying customers can choose the bank they believe is most stable. “Consumers are not well educated about the stability of banks, so what that means is they tend to flow to the really big Australian-owned banks.”

Deposit insurance has a long history of promoting banking instability and irresponsible lending. It has not operated successfully in other countries nor in New Zealand. The Green Party announcement made no mention of New Zealand’s recent experience with deposit insurance

At the height of the global financial crisis and in the final days of the 2008 general election, New Zealand not only extended a deposit guarantee to its banks it also did so to finance companies. As the Auditor-General recorded in her recent report

On Sunday 12 October 2008, at the peak of the global financial crisis, the Government decided that it needed to implement a form of retail deposit guarantee scheme to avoid a flight of funds from New Zealand institutions to those in Australia. It needed to do this urgently: The Crown Retail Deposit Guarantee Scheme (the Scheme) was designed and announced that same day.

The deposit guarantee was extended to finance companies. Money flooded into previously high risk investments as investors had nothing to lose and everything to gain from the higher returns.

As the Auditor-General noted in a 2015 recent report reviewing the scheme

From the outset, the advice from officials recognised that the decision to include finance companies in the Scheme carried significant risk. Once deposits with these companies were guaranteed, depositors could safely move investments to where they would get the highest return, irrespective of the risk of company failure.

The finance companies also had less reason to minimise risk in their investment activity. The Crown was carrying much of this risk. During 2009, the Treasury watched some of that behaviour eventuate. Deposits with finance companies under the Scheme grew, in some instances significantly. We saw one example where a finance company’s deposits grew from $800,000 to $8.3 million after its deposits were guaranteed. At South Canterbury Finance Limited, the deposits grew by 25% after the guarantee was put in place.

The flood of deposits into finance company after the deposit guarantee somewhat undermines the low opinion the Greens have of depositors as investors sensitive to risk

On blunting incentives, otherwise known as ‘moral hazard’, Bill English can’t seriously expect everyday savers to analyse the loan books of banks to assess their credit risk when they open their accounts, let alone do this on a six-monthly basis.

At its height, the bank and finance company guarantees totalled over $133 billion. Ninety-six institutions were covered by the scheme – 60 non-bank deposit takers, 12 banks and 24 collective investment schemes. All guarantees had ended by December 2011.

To put context on the risk that the taxpayer, this $133 billion underwritten by the taxpayer return for little or no insurance fee was nearly twice the amount the Government spends in a year, or about 2/3rd of GDP.

If a financial institution in the Scheme failed, taxpayers would repay all of the money that eligible people had deposited or invested, up to a cap of $1 million each.

Nine finance companies out of the 30 accepted into the scheme failed. This resulted in payments by the taxpayer to the investors of $2 billion. Expected recoveries are currently estimated at about $0.9 billion after the completion of the various receiverships of these institutions according to the recent report on the scheme by the Auditor-General.

The deposit guarantee was extended to the finance companies despite 28 such companies failing between 2006 and 2008. This included some larger finance companies such as Bridgecorp Finance (New Zealand) Limited, Provincial Finance Limited, and Hanover Finance Limited.

FDR was initially opposed to deposit insurance in the USA in 1933 because it would encourage greater risk taking by banks. Sam Peltzman in the mid-1960s found that U.S. banks in the 1930s halved their capital ratios after the introduction of federal deposit insurance.

If you want to make banks safer, increase their capital ratios and require them to have more subordinated debt in their capital requirements.

Any form of deposit insurance requires extensive regulation of insured bank portfolios to prevent excessive risk-taking. The Kareken and Wallace model of deposit insurance which is based on moral hazard, predicts that if a government sets up deposit insurance and doesn’t regulate bank portfolios to prevent them from taking too much risk, the government is setting the stage for a financial crisis. The Kareken-Wallace model makes you very cautious about lender-of-last-resort facilities and very sensitive to the risk-taking activities of banks.

Kareken and Wallace called for much higher capital reserves for banks and more regulation to avoid future crises. It is much easier to require banks to put up more capital than to not take risks with the monies invested in them by depositors.


A Brief Case Study on the Finnish Language

https://twitter.com/historyfacts247/status/737214609581473792

Mises on the Fatal Conceit

Source: Unicorn Governance | Foundation for Economic Education.

Adam Smith and the Follies of Central Planning

Division of Labor: Burgers and Ships 

Source: Division of Labor: Burgers and Ships | MRUniversity

@ALeighMP, Lindsay Mitchell v. Susan St. John on family tax credit incidence

There is some feuding in the letters to editor page of the Sunday Star Times today between Lindsay Mitchell and Susan St John about whether employers pocket some of the Working for Families tax credit by reducing the wages they offer.

I have contracted-out my reply on the economic incidence of in-work tax credits to a former ANU economics professor who is now an Australian Labour Party federal MP.

Source: Who Benefits from the Earned Income Tax Credit? Incidence Among Recipients, Coworkers and Firms by Andrew Leigh :: SSRN.

There is general agreement such as summarised by the Economist that a significant part of family tax credits goes into the pockets of employers:

An analysis of the EITC published in 2010 by Andrew Leigh of the Australian National University found that most of the benefit of the credit went to workers. Not all of it did though: a 10% increase in the credit was associated with a 5% dip in wages of high-school dropouts. By the same token, a study conducted the following year by Mr Rothstein found that for each dollar spent on tax credits, existing workers’ income rose by $0.73 (although $0.09 of this was because they chose to work more). Employers gained $0.36, as they spent less on wages.

Economists at Britain’s National Institute of Economic and Social Research are conducting a similar study of the British system of tax credits. Childless workers become eligible for the credits at the age of 25. By comparing wages either side of this threshold, they have been able to estimate how much the credits are depressing wages. Their preliminary (and unpublished) results suggest that, of the 76p an hour the government forks out in tax credits for someone on the minimum wage, 72-79% goes to workers.

In work tax credits increases labour supply, which depresses wages except where wages are pressing up against a binding minimum wage. Steve Landsberg has pointed out a paradoxe of a binding minimum wage when there is an earned income tax credit:

If you increase the EITC in a market with an effective minimum wage, you’ll get a whole lot more workers competing for the same limited number of jobs, and this competition must continue until all of the benefits have either been dissipated or transferred to employers, who are now able to demand harder work and offer fewer perquisites.

@billmaher at his best on Social Justice Warriors In Defense of Recklessness ‪#‎PCPolice‬

The @MarcoRubio theory of elections is spreading to #UBI! Losing badly is winning

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Expressive voting, more gun control or fewer gun free zones

https://twitter.com/Thomas_Conerty/status/649800146528563200

If you want fewer mass shootings, reduce the supply of gun free zones where even the craziest gunmen have been able to find despite being tormented by the voices as John Lott explains

Time after time, we see that these killers tell us they pick soft targets. With just two exceptions, from at least 1950, the mass public shootings have occurred in these gun-free zones. From last summer’s mass public killers in Santa Barbara and Canada, to the Aurora movie theatre shooter, these killers made it abundantly clear in their diaries or on Facebook how they avoided targets where people with guns could stop them.

And even when concealed handgun permit holders don’t deter the killers, the permit holders stop them. Just a couple of weeks ago, a mass public shooting at a liquor store in Conyers, Ga., was stopped by a concealed handgun permit holder.

The USA is in an arms race between criminals and law-abiding citizens. Both have lots of guns so the only people who gain from disarmament to those who obey the law to have fewer guns. They are in a high gun equilibrium where it very difficult to get out of this arms race.

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Demands for more gun control and bans on specific weapons postpone the hard work of how to reduce mass shootings in a society with easy gun access. It is expressive politics at its worse.

An Australian politician today in an unrelated context regarding universal health insurance in Australia called Medicare made this point about politics is hard work, not political theatre

It’s so much easier today to be a cynical poseur than a committed democrat, it’s easier to retreat to observer status than convince your friends of the merits of incremental change.

It required hard slog to ensure those institutions could survive the heat of adversarial politics. Then it took election campaign after election campaign, tough political negotiation, administrative effort, and the making and breaking of careers and governments to finally make Medicare stick,” she said.

The creation of Medicare took more than a hollow-principled stand, it took more than just wishful thinking, it took more than slogans, it took more than protests. It took real, tough politics. It took idealists who were prepared to fight to win government.

Expressive politics is about what voters boo and cheer, not whether policies actually work if adopted. Voters want to feel good about what they voted for and find a sense of identity in who they oppose and what they support. After a mass shooting, voters feel they must do something, cheer for something better and cheering for more gun control is an easy way to feel better.

Gun control is not going to happen in the USA because of the poor incentives for law-abiding individuals to retreat from high levels of legal private gun ownership when criminals will keep their guns. Harry Clarke pointed out that:

The political popularity of guns is strengthened by Prisoner’s Dilemma disincentives for individuals to retreat from high levels of gun ownership.

Accepting a gun buyback would be unattractive to citizens who would recognize high levels of overall gun ownership in the community and, hence, their own personal increased vulnerability if those with criminal intent acted rationally and kept their weapons.

If you want fewer mass shootings, fewer gun free zones is the way to go. That might have other  unintended consequences but more mass shootings is not likely to be one of them. Ready access to guns in moments of despair increases suicide rates. Suicides in the Israeli Defence Force fell 40% when young soldiers were not allowed to take their guns home at the week-end. Suicides do not increase during the week so the lack of weekend access to guns got them through dangerous moments of despair where ready access to a firearm would have led to a suicide.

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The last thing spree killers want is to be quickly shot down like the dogs they are such as at an American church in 2007. The last wannabe jihadist to try it on in Texas died in a hail of gunfire.

The U.S. Department of Justice’s National Crime Victimization Survey showed the risk of serious injury from a criminal attack is 2.5 times greater for women offering no resistance than for women resisting with a gun. 97% of murders are by men. Any arguments about gun control should be about gun control for men.

The sharemarket perception of gun control is every time there are calls for more gun controls, the share prices of gun manufacturers surge of the back of an anticipated spike in sale. Buying two gun shares on the first trading day after 12 recent mass shootings and selling them 90 days later produces a return of 365% over a nine-year period compared to 66 percent for the S&P 500 Index. A buy-and-hold bet on Smith & Wesson stock starting in January 2007returns 137%.

The key to the success of Australian and New Zealand gun laws was low levels of gun crime and minimal use of guns for self-defence. There was no arms race as compared to the USA where criminals and civilians are both armed. It is easy to control an arms race that has not started. The New Zealand, Australian and even the British police rarely have to discharge their weapons.

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Martin Luther King was a gun owner for obvious reasons. Tom Palmer was the lead litigant in the recent Supreme Court case on gun control in the USA. He saved himself and a fellow gay man from a severe beating in 1987 by gang of 20 men by pulling a gun on them. Pink pistols has been in the thick of anti-gun control litigation in the USA.

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