The rise of the working rich among the top 0.1% in the USA
19 Dec 2014 Leave a comment
in applied welfare economics, economic history, entrepreneurship, politics - USA, poverty and inequality
Source: “Income Inequality in the United States, 1913-1998” with Thomas Piketty, Quarterly Journal of Economics, 118(1), 2003, 1-39
(Tables and Figures Updated to 2012 in Excel format, September 2013) via Chad Jones
Before 1940, most of the income of the top 0.1% of income earners in the USA was income from investments.
By the end of the 20th century, the top 0.1% were earning their incomes as wages and salaries, business incomes and capital gains. Very little of that income of the top 0.1% was in the form of passive income from capital. The top 0.1% of the USA are now working rich – entrepreneurs.
Was Moynihan, right? The role of prospective success in assortative mating in family poverty
19 Dec 2014 1 Comment

The unbelievable rise of single motherhood in America over the last 50 years – The Washington Post
19 Dec 2014 Leave a comment
in applied welfare economics, labour economics, labour supply, poverty and inequality, welfare reform Tags: causes of poverty, single parenthood




via The unbelievable rise of single motherhood in America over the last 50 years – The Washington Post.
The slow diffusion of modern human resource management
19 Dec 2014 Leave a comment
in entrepreneurship, human capital, industrial organisation, managerial economics, market efficiency, organisational economics, personnel economics, survivor principle Tags: firm size, modern human resource management, technology diffusion, The meaning of competition
Modern human resource management gained ground in the 1980s, slowly replaced the centralising of people management in personnel departments that was widespread by the 1960s.

Modern human resource management stressed rigorous selection and recruitment, more training at induction and on-the-job, more teamwork and multi-skilling, better management-worker communication, the use of quality circles, and encouraging employee suggestions and innovation.
The aim is a highly committed and capable workforce that pulls toward common goals. This drive for employer-employee unity is in contrast to the old days of detachment and formality with managers directing and controlling workers.
Modern human resource management replaced compliance with rules with genuine employee commitment and a unified corporate culture.
Modern human resource management is a technology and there is a long lag on the widespread adoption of any new technology.
The lag on the intra-industry diffusion of new technologies from 10% to 90% of users is 15 to 30 years long (Hall 2003; Grubler 1991). The literature on technology transfer is full of examples of the slow and costly diffusion of new technologies even with the on-site help of the original innovator and experienced consultants (Boldrin and Levine 2008).

New management practices are often complex and they are often slow and costly to introduce successfully without the assistance of consultants with prior experience with the new practices (Bloom and Van Reenen 2007, 2010).
Managerial innovations such as Taylor’s scientific management, Ford’s mass production, Sloan’s M-form corporations, Deming’s quality movement and Toyota’s lean manufacturing diffused slowly over decades. These technologies required large investments in learning, retraining, reorganisation, trial and error and adaptation and there were many failures (Bloom and Van Reenen 2010).
Bryson, Gomez, Kretschmer and Willman (2007) found that workplace voice and modern, high-commitment human resource management practices diffused unevenly across British workplaces. More employees, larger multi-establishment networks, public or for-profit ownership and network effects all increased the rates of diffusion of the new practices.
Large firms may invest more in skills because they are the early adopters of new management practices. Large firms are organisationally complex and they require more structured, explicit management practices to survive. Higher levels of worker skills have been linked with firms having better management practices (Bloom and Van Reenen 2007, 2010).
Employers who pay higher wages lose more if they mismanage or under-utilise well-paid workers. Large firms pay more, on average, so they lose more if they do not adopt good management practices in a timely fashion.
There are fixed costs to adopting new technologies and management practices, so large firms may be the first to find them profitable (Hall 2003). Later adopters may follow this lead when the new practices are more proven and, through experience and adaptation, cheaper to adopt.
The organisational disruption from switching to any new technology can reduce production and profits for several years and the new way of doing business may fail perhaps at a great cost (Holmes, Levine, and Schmitz 2012; Atkeson and Kehoe 2007; Roberts 2004).
These costs and uncertainties slow technology diffusion and explain why smaller firms use seemly out-of-date management practices. The new ways are not yet profitable for them. The pace of adoption of new technologies is driven by changes in the profitability of using the new technology as compared to the old (Karshenas and Stoneman 1993).
Firms of different sizes will invest in skills development and new management practices to the extent that is profitable to their circumstances.
On some occasions, large firms will find it profitable to invest in more skills development because this is part of the costs of investing in more capital per worker. On other occasions, skills development is necessary to reduce the costs of a growing corporate hierarchy.
No firm cannot invest in more skills development unless this growth is buoyed by market demand. Precipitate investments in skills development are fraught with risks.
Obesity by occupation
19 Dec 2014 Leave a comment
in health and safety, health economics, labour supply, occupational choice, personnel economics Tags: compensating differentials, obesity
Men (No Longer) At Work
19 Dec 2014 Leave a comment
in human capital, labour economics, labour supply, politics - USA, population economics
by Dish Staff
Binyamin Appelbaum looks into the causes of the decline in America’s male work force:
Working, in America, is in decline. The share of prime-age men — those 25 to 54 years old — who are not working has more than tripled since the late 1960s, to 16 percent. … Many men, in particular, have decided that low-wage work will not improve their lives, in part because deep changes in American society have made it easier for them to live without working. These changes include the availability of federal disability benefits; the decline of marriage, which means fewer men provide for children; and the rise of the Internet, which has reduced the isolation of unemployment. …
The resulting absence of millions of potential workers has serious consequences not just for the men and their families but for the nation as a whole. A smaller work force is likely to…
View original post 372 more words
The Gender-Pay Gap Is Largest for the Highest-Paying Jobs – The Atlantic
18 Dec 2014 Leave a comment
in discrimination, gender, human capital, labour economics, labour supply, occupational regulation Tags: employer discrimi, gender wage gap, sex discrimination
Another Reason Mondays Are The Worst | FiveThirtyEight
17 Dec 2014 1 Comment
in health and safety, labour economics Tags: health and safety
Was Aaron Sorkin right? Hollywood discriminates? Sacrifices profit to indulge sexism?
17 Dec 2014 1 Comment

Japan’s demographic challenge
17 Dec 2014 Leave a comment
in labour economics, labour supply, population economics Tags: ageing society, demographics, Japan
As its new parliament comes in, here's a look at Japan's longer-term economic challenges pewrsr.ch/1pjgZx5 http://t.co/StGWEGdNfi—
PewResearch FactTank (@FactTank) December 16, 2014
What is labour hoarding?
16 Dec 2014 Leave a comment
in business cycles, labour economics, macroeconomics, unemployment Tags: business cycles, labour hoarding

The fall and rebound in employment growth usually lags a few quarters behind the fall and later recovery in output growth in any recession because of labour hoarding. Hamermesh (1993) defined labour hoarding as
a less than proportionate decrease in worker hours in response to a negative demand shock
Firms may hoard or retain under-utilised employees despite falls in demand because of demand uncertainty.
Becker (1975) and Oi (1962) both refer to the fixed costs of employment as an incentive to retain experienced workers with firm-specific human capital during lulls in demand.

The fixed costs of employment are the costs of recruiting and training workers. These fixed costs meant that the demand for labour does not adjust instantly to changes in demand for the firm’s product:
The cyclical behaviour of labour markets reveals a number of puzzling features for which there are no truly satisfying explanations . . .
I believe that the major impediment to rational explanations for these findings lies in the classical treatment of labour as a purely variable factor (Oi 1962).
Hirings and layoffs are costly. Hiring costs include advertising vacancies, the time spent finding and screening applicants and training. Layoff costs include redundancy payments, legal procedures and, importantly, the capital loss of losing access to experienced employees with firm-specific training and then later having to train their replacements.
To reduce these current and capital costs early in recessions, employers will first adjust hours worked and rely on natural attrition of staff to defer laying off their more experienced employees. Only once these options have been exhausted, and demand for the firm’s product is still slack, the capital loss of laying off a worker may become necessary.

Labour hoarding is a speculative investment based on forecasts of demand. The decline in product demand must be seen as short. There will be more layoffs if the recession is expected to be deep or long.
If there is a quick recovery, unnecessary layoffs and the cost of training replacements are both avoided.
‘What were you thinking?’: Police shocked at tourist driver – National News | TVNZ
16 Dec 2014 Leave a comment
in economics of regulation, health and safety, transport economics Tags: health and safety

A tourist caught driving with a kayak tied cross-ways across his car roof told shocked police that he was just trying to preserve his vehicle.
via ‘What were you thinking?’: Police shocked at tourist driver – National News | TVNZ.





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