From wisdom to conviction – Paul Krugman on the Card–Kruger study of minimum wages (1998 and now)

This first screenshot is from the New York Times today of Paul Krugman’s current recollection of his interpretation of the Card – Kruger study of minimum wages in restaurants when that study was published all those years ago.

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Paul Krugman in his review of Living Wage: What It Is and Why We Need It By Robert Pollin and Stephanie Luce in 1998 was far wiser.

So what are the effects of increasing minimum wages? Any Econ 101 student can tell you the answer: The higher wage reduces the quantity of labour demanded, and hence leads to unemployment. This theoretical prediction has, however, been hard to confirm with actual data.

Indeed, much-cited studies by two well-regarded labour economists, David Card and Alan Krueger, find that where there have been more or less controlled experiments, for example when New Jersey raised minimum wages but Pennsylvania did not, the effects of the increase on employment have been negligible or even positive.

Exactly what to make of this result is a source of great dispute. Card and Krueger offered some complex theoretical rationales, but most of their colleagues are unconvinced; the centrist view is probably that minimum wages “do,” in fact, reduce employment, but that the effects are small and swamped by other forces.

What is remarkable, however, is how this rather iffy result has been seized upon by some liberals as a rationale for making large minimum wage increases a core component of the liberal agenda–for arguing that living wages “can play an important role in reversing the 25-year decline in wages experienced by most working people in America” (as this book’s back cover has it).

Clearly these advocates very much want to believe that the price of labour–unlike that of gasoline, or Manhattan apartments–can be set based on considerations of justice, not supply and demand, without unpleasant side effects.

This will to believe is obvious in this book: The authors not only take the Card-Krueger results as gospel, but advance a number of other arguments that just do not hold up under examination.

The Card– Kruger results have gone from rather iffy in the mind of Paul Krugman to the basis of public policy that, if wrong, costs a lot of low paid workers their jobs. Krugman was well aware in 1998 what a risky path minimum wage increases were:

Now to me, at least, the obvious question is, why take this route? Why increase the cost of labour to employers so sharply, which–Card/Krueger notwithstanding–must pose a significant risk of pricing some workers out of the market, in order to give those workers so little extra income?

Why not give them the money directly, say, via an increase in the tax credit?

Studies of tiny increases in the minimum wage are being used to justify far larger increases in the minimum wage. Krugman was right to be suspect of that in 1998.

Krugman’s statements today in the New York Times about the low starting point in modern America for any minimum wage increases is still keeping that slightly cautious tone in his analysis. Few who read his analysis will carry that passing nuance into their own policy advocacy.

Paul Krugman in 1998 was quite astute as to why people want to believe the minimum wage can be increased without any cost to jobs:

One answer is political: What a shift from income supports to living wage legislation does is to move the costs of income redistribution off-budget. And this may be a smart move if you believe that America should do more for its working poor, but that if it comes down to spending money on-budget it won’t.

Indeed, this is a popular view among economists who favour national minimum-wage increases: They will admit to their colleagues that such increases are not the best way to help the poor, but argue that it is the only politically feasible option.

Nor in 1998 was Krugman blind to the expressive politics, the ideological blindness of those who advocate minimum wage increases and living wages:

But I suspect there is another, deeper issue here–namely, that even without political constraints, advocates of a living wage would not be satisfied with any plan that relies on after-market redistribution.

They don’t want people to “have” a decent income, they want them to “earn” it, not be dependent on demeaning hand-outs…

In short, what the living wage is really about is not living standards, or even economics, but morality. Its advocates are basically opposed to the idea that wages are a market price–determined by supply and demand, the same as the price of apples or coal.

It is most unwise to say there is no evidence of minimum wage increases causing unemployment. That sets a low bar of having to find only one or two studies to refute the claim:

1. Taking his claims as true, why do small businesses lobby against raising the minimum wage?
2.  Why did Tom Holmes find in his seminal 1999 JPE paper that manufacturing clusters on the Right to Work Side of state borders and avoids the union side of the border?
3.  Why did Erin Mansur and I find the same result in our 2013 paper where we build on Holmes’ paper and show that labour intensive manufacturing industries are even more likely to avoid the union side of the border as they are more likely to locate in the adjacent county in the Right to Work State?
4.  The Card-Krueger study is certainly important but the variation they used to estimate their effect is tiny relative to the upcoming doubling of the minimum wage up to $15 in cities such as LA and San Fran. How is Dr. Krugman so sure that he can “extrapolate out of sample” to a policy that has never been tried before?  Does he have a valid structural model that he can use to conduct such extreme policy counter-factuals?

Karl Popper would be proud of Krugman’s bold and risky prediction that strictly forbids the existence of any studies showing adverse unemployment effects of minimum wage increases.

The thing to remember is, if there is not doubt in the literature, if there are not some mixed results, the econometricians are simply not trying hard enough to win tenure, secure promotion and be published on the top journals.

Low pay across the OECD

How many hours to work your way out of poverty across the OECD?

How to argue for inequality and neoliberalism when arguing dead set against it

On 12 August last, Closer Together New Zealand posted a chart showing average hourly wages had been stagnant for 20 years and then started growing again in 1993. Closer Together New Zealand then rounded up the usual suspects of the Left over Left.

Later that month in a comment on that post, a chart was posted showing that inequality had been increasing quite rapidly in the late 1980s and early 1990s in New Zealand. There were a range of economic reforms Closer Together New Zealand didn’t like in the late 1980s and early 1990s.

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Closer Together New Zealand did not notice their second chart showed there had been a large increase in inequality, and their first chart showed that this was followed by the return of regular average hourly wages after 20 years of stagnation.

I am not so vulgar as to suggest correlation is causation, but it is amusing to watch that one day a chart is posted showing a resumption of wages growth after 20 years of wage stagnation and the next day a chart is posted showing that the major economic developments in the preceding years were a large increase in inequality and substantial economic liberalisation.

To add to my amusement, a companion site Inequality A New Zealand Conversation posted a chart showing the top 1% had not had much at all in income growth for the last 20 years while most everyone else had. This spike in the incomes of the top 1% prior to about 1994 was followed by the resumption in average wages growth after 1994.

Poverty rates among immigrants and natives across the OECD

If government “programmes have been doing very little to help children out of poverty”, what halved child poverty in the last 20 years? Economic growth?

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Figure 1: child poverty (%) in New Zealand (before and after housing costs), 1982 – 2013

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Source: Bryan Perry, Household incomes in New Zealand: Trends in indicators of inequality and hardship 1982 to 2013. Ministry of Social Development (July 2014), Tables F.6 and F.7.

And the rich got richer, who cares

Poverty lines can lead to results stranger than fiction

How many working poor in USA, UK, Canada, Australia and New Zealand?

Figure 1: working poor – proportion of employed persons with income below the poverty line (50% of median disposable income) living in households with a working age head and at least one worker in USA, UK, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, 2013

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Source: In It Together – Why Less Inequality Benefits All – © OECD 2015, OECD Income Distribution Database (IDD), www.oecd.org/social/income-distribution-database.htm, Table 1.A1.1. Key indicators on the distribution of household disposable income and poverty, 2007, 2011 and 2013 or most recent year.

Females/male earnings ratio by partner status and motherhood – USA, UK, Canada

Figure 1: Female/male earnings ratio by partner status and motherhood, 2004 image Source: LIS Cross-National Data Center in Luxembourg – Wave VI; individuals with positive earnings only. .

Poverty rates by age of youngest child – USA, UK, Canada and Australia

Figure 1: poverty rates by age of youngest child, 2004

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Source: LIS Cross-National Data Center in Luxembourg.

It usually begins with the RMA – fewer warm, dry homes as an unintended consequence of regulatory restrictions on land supply

The Government admits that its proposed insulation and smoke alarm standards for rental properties could push up rents by more than $3 a week. Under legislation to be introduced in October, social housing would have to be retrofitted with ceiling and underfloor insulation by next July, and all other rental homes by July 2019.

An important driver of lower quality housing in New Zealand is the restrictions on land supply. The costs of those restrictions, land makes up 60% of the cost of new houses rather than 40%. Land prices have doubled and tripled in a number of cities. As the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment has said:

The median price of sections has increased from $94,000 in 2003 to over $190,000 today (compared with $NZ 100,000 per section in the US), ranging from Southland ($82,000) to Auckland ($308,000)…

Section costs in Auckland account for around 60% of the cost of a new dwelling, compared with 40% in the rest of New Zealand.

The RMA is the Resource Management Act and was passed just before New Zealand housing prices started to rise rapidly.

housing prices and RMA

Source: Dallas Fed; Housing prices deflated by personal consumption expenditure (PCE) deflator.

Higher land prices for new houses spill into the prices of existing houses, which are now much more expensive than they need to be but for the RMA inspired land supply restrictions in Auckland and elsewhere in New Zealand.

One way in which homeowners and landlords can keep costs down when buying a house either for their own use or as an investment property is not to invest in insulation and smoke alarms. Deposits are less, mortgages are less and rents are less. It all adds up.

$3 is not much for some but it is enough that some parents cannot find $3 or so per week to feed their children breakfast. Joe Trinder, the Mana News editor blogged about the great expense of feeding the kids for ordinary families.

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Put simply, you cannot argue that a few dollars is a lot of money to people on low incomes but ignore the consequences for their welfare of a $3 per week increase in their rents.

If tenants were willing to pay for insulation, landlords would provide well-insulated rental properties to service that demand. Walter Block wrote an excellent defence of slumlords in his 1971 book Defending the Undefendable:

The owner of ghetto housing differs little from any other purveyor of low-cost merchandise. In fact, he is no different from any purveyor of any kind of merchandise. They all charge as much as they can.

First consider the purveyors of cheap, inferior, and second-hand merchandise as a class. One thing above all else stands out about merchandise they buy and sell: it is cheaply built, inferior in quality, or second-hand.

A rational person would not expect high quality, exquisite workmanship, or superior new merchandise at bargain rate prices; he would not feel outraged and cheated if bargain rate merchandise proved to have only bargain rate qualities.

Our expectations from margarine are not those of butter. We are satisfied with lesser qualities from a used car than from a new car.

However, when it comes to housing, especially in the urban setting, people expect, even insist upon, quality housing at bargain prices.

Richard Posner discussed housing habitability laws in his Economic Analysis of the Law. The subsection was titled wealth distribution through liability rules. Posner concluded that habitability laws will lead to abandonment of rental property by landlords and increased rents for poor tenants.

https://twitter.com/childpovertynz/status/618985237628858368

What do-gooder would want to know that a warranty of habitability for rental housing will lead to scarcer, more expensive housing for the poor! Surprisingly few interventions in the housing market work to the advantage of the poor.

Certainly, there will be less rental housing of a habitability standard below that demanded by do-gooders in the new New Zealand legislation. In the Encyclopaedia of Law and Economics entry on renting, Werner Hirsch said:

It would be a mistake, however, to look upon a decline in substandard rental housing as an unmitigated gain.

In fact, in the absence of substandard housing, options for indigent tenants are reduced. Some tenants are likely to end up in over-crowded standard units, or even homeless.

The straightforward way to increase the quality of housing in New Zealand without increasing poverty is to increase the supply of land.

As land prices fall, both homebuyers and tenants will be able to pay for better quality fixtures and fittings because less of their limited income is paying for buying or renting the land.

Has NZ child poverty doubled as @MaxRashbrooke said?

Lindsay Mitchell put me onto a quote by veteran grumbler Max Rashbrooke that the child poverty rate doubled in New Zealand:

In a system where income goes disproportionately to the already well-off, ordinary workers are missing out on the rewards of their efforts, to the tune of billions of dollars a year. Welfare benefits, cut by a quarter in 1991 and increased just 8 per cent in the last budget, are far too low to meet people’s basic needs.

The result is a doubling of child poverty and the return of childhood diseases unknown in most developed countries – a national embarrassment, as one researcher described it.

Poverty, income and inequality data is collected in loving detail by Brian Perry every year for the Ministry of Social Development.

Figure 1: % child poverty in New Zealand (before and after housing costs), 60% 1998 median constant value, 1982 – 2013

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Source: Bryan Perry, Household incomes in New Zealand: Trends in indicators of inequality and hardship 1982 to 2013. Ministry of Social Development (July 2014), Tables F.6 and F.7.

The only thing noticeable in the downward trend in child poverty in New Zealand since its doubling with the sharp recession in 1990 with double-digit unemployment rates is child poverty stop falling shortly after in-work family tax credits were introduced in the form of Working for Families in 2005.

There was a break in trend in the long decline in child poverty as soon as in-work family tax credits were introduced in New Zealand. I’m sure this is a coincidence because, as Brian Perry said when discussing the introduction of Working for Families in 2005:

The 2004 to 2007 period was the only one in the 25 years to 2007 in which the incomes of low- to middle-income households grew more quickly than those of households above the median.

The real killer in New Zealand in terms of poverty and inequality are housing costs. Housing costs are wholly under the control of government through its control of the supply of land, which is restricted at the behest of the parties of the left.

Figure 2: real equivalised household incomes (before and after housing costs): changes at the top of lowest income decile, New Zealand, 1982 to 2013

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Source: Bryan Perry, Household incomes in New Zealand: Trends in indicators of inequality and hardship 1982 to 2013. Ministry of Social Development (July 2014), tables D.2 and D.4.

Figure 2 shows that real equivalised household income after housing costs has not grown and in fact has fallen for the bottom 10% of the income distribution in New Zealand.

It is the left-wing parties who oppose measures to reduce housing costs and and increase the supply of land through reforms to the Resource Management Act and the relaxation of the Auckland metropolitan urban limit.

Labour and the Greens are in effect keeping the poor poor to win middle-class votes.

Figure 3: real equivalised household incomes (before and after housing costs): changes at the top of the top, middle and lowest lowest income deciles, New Zealand, 1982 to 2013

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Source: Bryan Perry, Household incomes in New Zealand: Trends in indicators of inequality and hardship 1982 to 2013. Ministry of Social Development (July 2014), tables D.2 in D.4.

Figure 3 shows that those in the middle and higher deciles, a political territory rich in swinging voters, are still doing well after housing costs. The parties of the left are collaborating with a middle-class home owning voter while betraying the working class and its aspirations from home ownership and quite simply affordable housing costs when they rent.

The increases for all groups may be understated by the inability of living standards measures to adequately account for new goods, product upgrades and rising life expectancies.

Income inequality before and after taxes and transfers

Poverty rates by number of children – USA, UK, Canada and Australia

Figure 1: poverty rates of adults aged 20 to 54 by presence of children, 2004

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Source: LIS Cross-National Data Center in Luxembourg.

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