
Source: The Economics of Human Development and Social Mobility, James J. Heckman, Stefano Mosso, NBER Working Paper No. 19925, February 2014.
Celebrating humanity's flourishing through the spread of capitalism and the rule of law
08 Mar 2016 Leave a comment
in economics of education, politics - New Zealand, population economics, poverty and inequality, welfare reform

Source: The Economics of Human Development and Social Mobility, James J. Heckman, Stefano Mosso, NBER Working Paper No. 19925, February 2014.
16 Feb 2016 Leave a comment
in applied welfare economics, economics of bureaucracy, labour supply, politics - USA, welfare reform
In common with New Zealand, Maine found that a number could not complete work requirements because they could not get time off work from their off the books job.
Lindsay Mitchell found through Official Information Act requests that one in 10 beneficiaries are working full-time and one in 5 have no intention of looking for a job in the next year despite a requirement to actively look for work as a condition of receipt of their benefit.
15 Feb 2016 Leave a comment
in applied welfare economics, politics - USA, welfare reform
The 1996 federal welfare reforms were supposed to condemn the poor to homelessness and no money to buy food. Deep poverty did not get worse as a result of those reforms. That alone refutes its critics.

Source: Take 2: Another Look at Bernie Sanders, Welfare Reform, and Deep Poverty | Mother Jones.

Source: New Study Says Poverty Rate Hasn’t Budged For 40 Years | Mother Jones.

Source: Weekend Follow-Up #1: Welfare Reform and Deep Poverty | Mother Jones.
12 Feb 2016 Leave a comment
in applied welfare economics, economic history, labour economics, labour supply, politics - USA, welfare reform

Despite the dire predictions, there has been a permanent reduction in child poverty of 25%, a 35% increase in the employment rates of never married mothers and a 16% increase in the employment rates of single mothers.
Minorities benefited the most from the 1996 US federal welfare reforms in terms of higher employment rates and lower child poverty rates.
As part of the 1996 reforms, Medicaid eligibility was not lost when going off welfare and single parents by getting a job qualified for the Earned Income Tax Credit.
01 Feb 2016 Leave a comment
in labour economics, labour supply, politics - New Zealand, poverty and inequality, welfare reform Tags: Maori economic development, single mothers, single parents, welfare state
17 Jan 2016 Leave a comment
in economic history, gender, labour economics, labour supply, politics - USA, welfare reform Tags: child poverty, family poverty, single mothers, single parents, US welfare reforms
14 Jan 2016 Leave a comment
in applied welfare economics, economics of education, politics - New Zealand, politics - USA, poverty and inequality, welfare reform
There is a large literature on what money can buy in terms of improved child outcomes. Central to the left-wing view is the poorer are just like everyone else but they have less money. Susan Mayer, a proud registered Democrat all her life, kick-started the literature challenging this with her book in 1997.

More money does help the children of poor families but the effect is considerably less–and more complicated–than is generally thought because as Mayer says ‘once children’s basic material needs are met, characteristics of their parents become more important to how they turn out than anything additional money can buy.
Doubling the income of poor families would lift most children above the poverty line, it would have virtually no effect on their test scores and only a slight effect on social behaviour. Among her findings, which have largely survive the test of time, are:
Mayer found that as parents have more money to spend, they usually spend the extra money on food, especially food eaten in restaurants; larger homes; and on more automobiles. As a result, children are likely to be better housed and better fed, but not necessarily better educated or better prepared for high-income jobs. Mayer said that her findings do not endorse massive cuts in welfare:
My results do not show that we can cut income support programs with impunity…Indeed, they suggest that income support programs have been relatively successful in maintaining the material living standard of many poor children.
Mayer found that non-monetary factors play a bigger role than previously thought in determining how children overcome disadvantage as she explains. Parent-child interactions appear to be important for children’s success, but the study shows little evidence that a parent’s income has a large influence on parenting practices.
Mayer said that if money alone were responsible for overcoming such problems as unwed pregnancy, low educational achievement and male idleness, states with higher welfare benefits could expect to see reductions in these problems. In reality
once we control all relevant state characteristics, the apparent effect of increasing Aid to Families with Dependent Children benefits is very small.
Social economics has been here before. In the 1960s, the Coleman Report rather than finding that investing in schools improved child outcomes found that most variation between child outcomes depended on family backgrounds. When we talking about schools not matter in too much we are talking about average bad schools and average good school not American inner-city schools into war zones.

Source: Savings, Genes, and Fade-Out, Bryan Caplan | EconLog | Library of Economics and Liberty.
Behavioural genetics has been a bit of a blow to those that think greater parental investment can raise child outcomes as Bryan Caplan has explained:
Economists like Nobel laureate Gary Becker have been studying the family for decades. Like most modern parents, economists usually take it for granted that “parental investment” has large, lasting effects on adult outcomes.
And yet adoption and twin researchers find surprisingly little evidence for this this assumption(link is external)! With a few notable exceptions, the measured effect of upbringing on adult outcomes is small to zero. Adoptees barely resemble their adopting families, identical twins are much more similar than fraternal twins, and identical twins raised apart are often as similar as identical twins raised together. Almost all traits run in families, but the overarching reason is heredity.
Caplan notes that while it is extremely difficult for parental investments to change the adult outcomes of his children, it is well within his power to give his children a happy childhood.
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