Trends in union membership in New Zealand, Australia, the UK and the USA

The Encyclopaedia of New Zealand says that the rate of union membership dropped sharply to under 20% when the Employment Contracts Act was passed in 1991 using the chart below.

Figure 1: Percentage of union members

Percentage of union members

The OECD union density data, which allows international comparisons back to 1970, tells a different story. OECD data on union membership in New Zealand started in 1970.

Figure 2: Union density,New Zealand, Australia, the UK and USA 1970-2013

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Source: OECD Stats Extract

Note: Trade union density corresponds to the ratio of  wage and salary earners that are trade union members, divided by the total number of wage and salary earners (OECD Labour Force Statistics).

Figure 2 above shows that union membership has been in a long slow decline in New Zealand since the mid-1970s. This is been pretty much the pattern all round the world.

The much hated Employment Contracts Act 1991, much hated by the Left over Left, doesn’t really show up in the union density figures in figure 2. There is no sudden break in trend obvious in figure 2.

The longer time series in union membership in figure 1 compiled by the Encyclopaedia of New Zealand has long gaps between the data observations. Because of this, the sharp decline in union membership from the late 1970s, which it actually show up in its start-up , is not sufficiently distinguished from subsequent events because of the long gaps between observations reported in the figure 1.

If anything, union membership stopped declining in New Zealand in the late 1990s. Stabilising at about 20% of wage and salary earners.

Union membership continued to decline slowly in Australia, the UK and the USA  subsequent to 1998. Union membership stabilised in New Zealand by contrast. Perhaps the Employment Contracts act should be able to claim credit for that?

The economics of the late Gough Whitlam

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A Report on ‘Can Hearts and Minds be Bought?’ The Economics of Counterinsurgency in Iraq by Eli Berman, Jacob N. Shapiro and Joseph H. Felter

jamie4400's avatarA World of Economics

600_iraq

Can hearts and minds be bought? A metaphorical question posed to ask whether government spending can aid counterinsurgency. In their paper, Berman et al. seek to answer this basic question using current literature, recent data and a model of counterinsurgency.

They chose Iraq for their research because it is presently significant, there is a large amount of data and most importantly, because it is characterised by insurgency and not by ‘conventional warfare’. It is this characteristic, argued by Berman et al. that will be seen more often in future conflicts that is so crucial to understand. Another important facet to note is that current ‘US Army counterinsurgency doctrine’ is not based on any social scientific theory; thereby making the need to understand insurgency more vital to aid spending.

By using current data, Berman et al. find on the whole that the correlation between reconstruction spending and violence across Iraqi districts…

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Michael Pusey, John Stone and the role of papist conspiracies in economic rationalism in Canberra

Michael Pusey looked into the background of senior executives at the Treasury in his book on Economic Rationalism  in Canberra published in the early 1990s

He found that many of these senior executive service members attended private schools.

Many of these senior executives were Catholic school boys as was the Prime Minister of the day, his state premier and the majority of the high court too.

Pusey did not pursue this papist conspiracy – a private school boy conspiracy is far more politically correct for sociologists.

Pusey argued that economics is a set of dangerous ideas that should be exposed to otherwise impressionable students only at the graduate level and when studying politics, philosophy, and economic degree (PPE).

Pusey was speechless when retired Treasury Secretary John Stone asked at a conference where he (Stone) went wrong. Stone studied physics as an undergraduate, and was not exposed to the dangerous ideas that are economics until his PPE at Oxford. Stone followed the exact path that Pusey suggested to replace specialist economics degrees.

All good things comes to those that wait – they deserve each other

For those who have better things to do in their lives than follow minor parties in Australian politics, Clive Palmer is from a socially conservative economic nationalist party called the Palmar United Party; Bandt is from a socially liberal economic nationalist party– the Greens.  Both are MPs sitting in the  Australian House of Representatives on the cross-benches.

HT: Australian Libertarian Society

Australia’s carbon debate mirrors global follies

via lowyinterpreter.org

The Australian carbon tax repeal

carbon tax good riddance

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In a democracy we resolve our differences by trying to persuade each other and elections

The-virtue-of-a

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Freedom of religion and equality before the law in a democracy

An individual’s religious beliefs does not excuse him from compliance with an otherwise valid law of general application prohibiting conduct that governments are free to regulate.

Allowing exceptions to every law or regulation that directly or indirectly affects religion would open the prospect of constitutionally required exemptions from legal obligations of almost every conceivable kind. Examples are compulsory military service, payment of taxes, polygamy, vaccination requirements, and child-neglect laws. some parliaments do provide exemptions and accommodations but that does not say they must.

Justice Frankfurter wrote in 1940:

conscientious scruples have not in the course of the long struggle for religious toleration relieved the individual from obedience to a general law not aimed at the promotion or restriction of religious beliefs.

The mere possession of religious convictions which contradict the relevant concerns of political society does not relieve the citizen from the discharge of political responsibilities

Religious freedom bars laws that prohibit:

  • the holding of a religious belief,
  • the right to communicate those beliefs to others, and
  • the right of parents to direct the education of their children.

This approach also has the advantage of not placing courts into the position of having to determine the importance of a particular belief in a religion or the plausibility of a religious claim when weighing it against other government interests and the objectives of the disputed law.

It might be said that there should be a compelling government interest before a religious objection can be overridden. Deciding what is a compelling government interest raises questions of public policy.

Men and women decide what is more or less important in the course of making legislation goes to the very heart of democratic decision-making. This clash of opinions and visions of the good society and what laws should be passed or not are all resolved peacefully through the ballot box and free speech even in the most desperate times.

This is not to say that a parliament may if it wishes exempt people from certain obligations on the basis of religious objections or making other accommodations. What it does require is that religions take their chances in democratic politics like the rest of us when seeking exemptions from a law.

Minorities with strong feelings about an issue regularly prevail in legislative battles because they are willing to vote as a block on one issue and trade their block support with other groups in the society to assemble the necessary majority for what they want.

Indeed, a major discontent with contemporary democratic politics is minorities and special interests have too much say, not too little.

It is up to the political process to decide whether to disadvantage those religious practices that are not widely engaged in, but that unavoidable consequence of democratic government must be preferred to a system in which each conscience is a law unto itself. To quote Frankfurter again:

Its essence is freedom from conformity to religious dogma, not freedom from conformity to law because of religious dogma.

Religious loyalties may be exercised without hindrance from the state, not the state may not exercise that which except by leave of religious loyalties is within the domain of temporal power. Otherwise each individual could set up his own censor against obedience to laws conscientiously deemed for the public good by those whose business it is to make laws…

The validity of secular laws cannot be measured by their conformity to religious doctrines. It is only in a theocratic state that ecclesiastical doctrines measure legal right or wrong

The decline of class as a factor in voting

labouralp

At the UK General Election of 1964, a 2% of voters with no ‘working class characteristics’ voted Labour.

People’s socio-economic characteristics are now much less significant than they used to be as indicators of how they are likely to vote, for not only do many working class people vote for parties of the right, but large swathes of the middle class now vote Labour.

Support for Labor among manual working class voters as a whole was no higher than support for the right-wing parties in the 2004 Australian election.

If lower grade white collar occupations are included as working class, the right-wing parties in Australia actually achieved a small lead over the Australian Labor Party among working class voters.

POSSUM COMITATUS  asks why are the Greens strongest in the inner cities? What is the cause of Greens voters living in the inner cities?

greensindustry

He found that people working in the arts, education, media and technology industries are more likely to vote Green, and as a result of the distribution of workplaces for these industries having a higher density in the inner suburbs, the people living within close proximity to their workplaces naturally leads to the inner cities having higher levels of Greens voters. He concludes:

it’s just a modern evolution of class based electoral analysis – whereas the Labor vote used to correlate strongly with manufacturing and low skill, labour intensive industries – today, the Green vote correlates with new skilled services industries like arts, education, media and technology.

Hero worship in left-wing politics

It is the Left who hero worships its leaders and even have photos of them on the walls inside their houses. Right-wing party leaders are mostly forgotten 5 minutes after they left office.

Do you recall the wide smiles on the faces of Bob Brown and Adam Bandt when the parliament was addressed by the Drone Commander-in-Chief Obama.

Bob Brown and Barack Obama - President Obama Visits Australia - Day 2

Did Bob Brown interrupt Obama’s speech to ask about the war in Afghanistan and drone strikes? He interrupted Bush when he addressed parliament.

The Left is inherently prone to hero worship because the Left wants to reshape the world and the leaders of that movement have heroic missions. As Mises explained:

The incomparable success of Marxism is due to the prospect it offers of fulfilling those dream-aspirations and dreams of vengeance which have been so deeply embedded in the human soul from time immemorial. It promises a Paradise on earth, a Land of Heart’s Desire full of happiness and enjoyment, and—sweeter still to the losers in life’s game—humiliation of all who are stronger and better than the multitude.

I forgot to vote once because I forgot there was an election on

Tasmania’s House of Assembly election in 1982 had no party campaigns, no TV or newspaper ads, no how to vote cards and all candidates could only solicit votes for themselves, not for others in their party or anyone else.

A late legal opinion was that any form of expenditure on co-ordinated campaigning and joint solicitation of votes would be added to each individual candidate spending limits of $1000 separately.

With no party campaigns, no TV or newspaper ads, no how to vote cards and all candidates could only solicited votes for themselves, the date of the election slipped my mind and I forgot to get a postal vote before going inter-state for a holiday.

The Liberal Party won in a landslide defeating the incumbent Labor Government.

The campaigning ban seemed to give an advantage to the party already leading because the party on the nose could not dig itself out of a hole in the campaign by pointing out that they may be bad, but, on closer inspection, the other side is worse.

I do not know of any studies of this unusual election.

Greens as heirs of the 19th century Tory radicals

The Greens are no more than a reincarnation of the 19th century British Tory Radicals with their aristocratic sensibilities that combined strong support for centralised power with a paternalistic concern for the plight of the poor:

  • 19th century Tory radicals opposed the middle classes and the aesthetic ugliness they associated with an industrial economy; and
  • Like the 19th century Tory Radicals, today’s green gentry see the untamed middle classes as the true enemy.

Environmentalists have an aristocratic vision of a stratified, terraced society in which the knowing ones would order society for the rest of us.

Environmentalism offered the extraordinary opportunity to combine the qualities of virtue and selfishness

Many left-wingers thought they were expressing an entirely new and progressive philosophy as they mouthed the same prejudices as Trollope’s 19th century Tory squires: attacking any further expansion of industry and commerce as impossibly vulgar, because it was:

ecologically unfair to their pheasants and wild ducks.

Neither the failure of the environmental apocalypse to arrive nor the steady improvement in environmental conditions because of capitalism has dampened the ardour of those well-off enough to be eager to make hair-shirts for others to wear.

The 19th century Tory radical’s disdain for the habits of their inferiors remains undiminished in their 21st century heirs and successors.

True to its late 1960s origins, political environmentalism gravitates toward bureaucrats and hippies: toward a global, little-brother government that will keep the middle classes in line and toward a back-to-the-earth, peasant-like localism, imposed on others but presenting no threat to the inner city elites’ comfortable middle class lives.

Unlike most, green voters tend to be financially secure and comfortable enough to be able to put aside immediate self-interest when imposing their political opinions.

The rising Green vote is a product of increasing tertiary education. Green voters are typically tertiary educated or undergoing tertiary education.

Green votes are defined by what they studied at university: arts, society and culture, architecture and education. Professionally they tended to be consultants, or worked in the media, health or education. Theses jobs are heavily concentrated in tertiary disciplines that are focused on much more than just making money.

Greens are very well-paid inner-urban dwellers who make more use of public transport and have few religious convictions. They tend not to have children until their 30s, if at all, which makes them even richer and gives them lots more spare time to organise political activities and annoy the rest of us. Some of them still haunt campuses, churning out more arts graduates, but increasingly, green voters comprise a well-heeled professional group.

Greens are distinct from the typical Labor or National voter demographic but they support the the Green Party for social rather than economic reasons. Not unlike middle-class Catholics in the 1950s and 1960s who voted Labour.

How ironic that the green gentry—progressives against progress—turn out to be nothing more than nineteenth-century urbane conservatives. There is nothing new under the sun.

Big HT: http://www.city-journal.org/2010/20_3_american-liberalism.html

The Internet Arguing Checklist for Right-Wingers

  1. Say something offensive.
  2. Pretend statistics support your offensive statement.
  3. Claim liberal bias in the media.
  4. Claim there’s a liberal agenda.
  5. Offer up a conspiracy theory.
  6. Call your opponent stupid.
  7. Gloat about your accomplishments.
  8. Offer easily disqualified opinions.
  9. Create derogatory nicknames for opponents.
  10. Say science proves your point.
  11. Say science is limited when it conflicts with your point.
  12. When all else fails, Communism!

via Pox Vopoli: The Internet Arguing Checklist for Right-Wingers.

The Internet Arguing Checklist for Left-Wingers

  1. Skim until Offended
  2. Disqualify that Opinion
  3. Attack, Attack, Attack
  4. Disregard Inconvenient facts
  5. Make Shit Up
  6. Resort to Moral Equivalency
  7. Concern Trolling
  8. When all else fails, Racism!

arguemnetuj1.jpg Internet Argument image by AzarIwa

via The Internet Arguing Checklist | Monster Hunter Nation.

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