
Anti-science Left alert: NZ Green Party condones the antifluoridation movement and can’t make up its mind on vaccinations
29 Aug 2014 Leave a comment
in health economics, politics - New Zealand Tags: anti-fluoridation movement, Anti-Science left, anti-vaccination movement, cranks, fluoridation, Green Party of New Zealand, Quacks, The Age of Enlightenment, The Age of Reason, The Great Escape, vaccinations

It’s one thing to condone parents not vaccinating their children on religious grounds or who are just plain nutters who should be allowed to flourish in all their dottiness in a free society.
The presumption that parents know the best interests of their children requires very strong evidence before it is overturned. Of course, you do not have too tolerate their unvaccinated children coming to school.
It is another thing for the Green Party of New Zealand to see both sides of the fluoridation argument:
C. Fluoridation of Community Water Supplies
The issue of fluoridating community water supplies requires a difficult balance between the public health effects and the rights of individuals to opt out altogether or avoid excessive intake. The Party membership has indicated that when considering fluoridation proposals, the Green Party caucus shall:
- Have particular regard to the public health benefits of fluoridated community water supplies.
- Have particular regard to the potential public health risks of excessive fluoride consumption via community water supplies.
- Have regard for the ability of individuals to opt out.
The Green Party will:
- Support the use of ‘opt-out’ options by local authorities for residents living in areas with fluoridated public water supplies, where shown to be feasible.
- Commission an independent study on the impacts of fluoridation to public health.
- Support education initiatives to advise caregivers of the potential for babies to develop dental fluorosis when mixing formula with fluoridated water
This is the same party is more than happy to accuse sceptics of being a denier on global warming and a lackey of the multinational corporations on GMOs. You cannot, on the one hand, accuse others of denying a scientific consensus and then indulge cranks and quacks.
This is the same nanny state party that wants to tax and regulate drinking fatty foods and sugary drinks in its diabetes action plan:
- Ensure evidence-based healthy eating and activity programmes are available and promoted to all New Zealanders.
- Introduce mandatory ‘traffic light’ style labelling of fat and sugar content on all food and drinks, including a version for restaurant, café and takeaway foods.
- Instatement of a ‘living wage’ to ensure that healthy foods and drinks are within the reach of all New Zealanders.
- Severe restriction on the advertising of unhealthy foods and drinks, and on sponsorship by the companies that produce them.
- Tax sugary drinks to make them more expensive and drive down consumption. Revenue generated from this tax to be made available to fund other programmes.
- Investigation of taxes and other disincentive measures for other foods and drinks with high sugar or fat content.
I am diabetic, but I am not so arrogant as to expect all of society to be reorganised to my advantage because I occasionally lapse from my diet. When I was diagnosed as diabetic, I lost 15 kilos.
Note carefully that on the issue of healthy eating in their diabetes action plan, the Greens are very strong on education as well as taxation and regulation. The Greens are not keen on correcting misconceptions about the evidence base behind fluoridation. No nanny state here.

For a Party that is all for the nanny state and fatty foods and sugary drinks and is happy to have a nanny state discussion on that, fluoridation is a bridge too far. Obviously the word fluoridation denier is not in the Green vocabulary.

Now let’s turn to the issue of vaccination and the Green Party of New Zealand. One thing to have rotten teeth; it’s another thing to have dead children because of your inability to face the facts of the vaccinations and preventable diseases.
Green Party policy is to sit on the fence on settled science because everyone in their party is yet to accept the settled science:
Our official position is influenced by the fact that we do not have a firm policy on it as we don’t have consensus from our members.
No steps to ensure evidence-based vaccination programs are made available and promoted to new all New Zealanders, such as with fatty foods and sugary drinks. No traffic like system to warn that unvaccinated children coming to school will stop no investigation of taxes and other disincentives measures regarding unvaccinated children. The safety Nazis in the Greens have become high school libertarians at their worst on fluoridation and vaccinations.
Tolerating eccentrics doesn’t mean you have to step back from telling these eccentrics and nutters that they are eccentrics and nutters, and attempting to persuade them that they are wrong.

A party that says it speaks truth to power is not too keen on speaking the truth to nutters and eccentrics. Even worse, the Green Party indulges their dangerous ignorance. The case is different for their action plan on diabetes:
Substantially increase funding for health promotion approaches in those communities most at risk to prevent or minimise obesity-related diseases, including diabetes.
One Green MP in a public speech in 2004 said she was absolutely convinced that her child became ill because of his triple MMR vaccine at 15 months, and refused all further vaccinations:
My own interest in vaccination began when I gave birth to my son 14 years ago. Whether or not to vaccinate our children was a hot topic at our regular mother’s group meetings, but eventually I had my son vaccinated.
Shortly after receiving his triple MMR vaccine at 15 months, he developed a horrendous incident of croup — to the point where he was taken to the emergency department. He subsequently developed a weakness in the chest which led to childhood asthma, which fortunately, through my various remedies, he has managed to shake off.
At the time I said to my doctor, I am certain the croup was triggered by the vaccination, but the doctor dismissed my suggestion as ludicrous, and certainly never forwarded it as an adverse reaction to the Centre for Adverse Reactions, which records significant adverse reactions to vaccination. I was convinced it was, however, and my son has never received another vaccination since.
Her speech also spoke of the link between vaccinations and autism. Even if that was true about the adverse reactions for that particular child of the Green party MP, the relatively rare adverse reactions to vaccinations are part of the risks and rewards trade-off.
That small risk is no reason to bring back measles, mumps and rubella for every child in New Zealand. The Green party is not only anti-science, it is pro-disease.
It is bizarre that vaccination programs that are eliminated terrible diseases are not supported by the Green Party of New Zealand – a party very ready to accuse its opponents have been anti-science and deniers.
There is a difference between the classical liberal argument that people have the right to be wrong and make mistaken choices for themselves and the merits of those choices.
The classical liberal will happily defend your right to be wrong and foolish while at the same time calling you out as a crank and a quack and telling that to your face until he is blue in the face telling you that you were a crank.
There are also third external effects or externality issues: most vaccinations are against contagious diseases where the previous response was quarantining the sick until they stopped being contagious.

The Age of Enlightenment is also the Age of Reason. It is time for the Green Party of New Zealand to join both.
West Wing on the fight for privacy
17 Aug 2014 Leave a comment
in politics - New Zealand, politics - USA Tags: blogosphere, privacy, The information age
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pj4PwyfDNuI
HT: Whale Oil
The criminally large difference between leaks to the media and hacking
14 Aug 2014 Leave a comment
in liberalism, politics - New Zealand, politics - USA Tags: espionage, media leaks, phone hacking

There is a difference between hacking and leaks.
For example, Julian Assange is unlikely to face charges under American espionage laws because the FBI would have too pop down and arrest everybody at the New York Times and Washington Post and the U.S. offices of the Guardian and more than a few famous book authors.
U.S. media organizations could be prosecuted for printing leaked classified information under US espionage legislation, but that prospect is unlikely because of official aversion to running afoul of the First Amendment.
If the government were to prosecute the recipient of classified information – as opposed to the individual who leaked it from within the government such as Bradley Manning – mainstream media would fear that they could face prosecution for reporting information they routinely receive from government sources. There is no way to prosecute Assange for publishing information without the same theory being applied to journalists.
Assigned is in criminal law trouble only if he assisted Bradley Manning to leak the information as distinct from simply receive it from him. An example might be advising Manning on how to get around computer security at his Defence Department workplace.

Hacking involves breaking into someone else’s place in the full knowledge that this is prohibited under computer crimes laws. Heavy penalties apply in the same way as physically braking in and stealing the documents. There is no moral or legal distinction.
The outrage against the phone hacking scandal in the UK was based upon breaches of computer crime law and corruption of public officials through bribes. The moral outrage in that scandal was topped up by the glee which some papers had at the fall from grace of their commercial and ideological rivals.
Christchurch Earthquake | Libertarianz TV
04 Aug 2014 Leave a comment
in economics of natural disasters, economics of regulation, liberalism, libertarianism, politics - New Zealand, urban economics Tags: Christchurch earthquake, economics of natural disasters
Devastating effect of government bureaucracy following the earthquakes of 2010 and 2011. As told by two business owners, an economist and an engineer. Concludes with the Libertarianz policy to make Christchurch a free enterprise zone.
Stephen Williamson on Marginal Taxation
03 Aug 2014 Leave a comment
in applied welfare economics, fiscal policy, income redistribution, politics - New Zealand, politics - USA, Public Choice Tags: envy, Stephen Williamson, taxation and entrepreneurship, taxation and human capital, taxation and investment, taxation and labour supply, top 1%
He says a lot. I’ll try to address piece by piece.
Next, some people have shown interest in this paper by Diamond and Saez. A key result that seemed to get these people excited is the calculation of a top optimal marginal tax rate (including all taxes) of 73%, relative to the current rate of 42.5%. There are two key assumptions that Diamond and Saez make to come up with the 73% optimal rate. First, we should not care about the welfare (at the margin) of the rich people. This argument is based solely on the notion that marginal utility of income is low for the top income-earners. Second, Diamond and Saez use a “behavioral elasticity” of tax revenue with respect to the tax rate of 0.25. To see how this matters, if you use their formula and an elasticity of one, you get an optimal top tax rate…
View original post 1,215 more words
Teen employment and the minimum wage: sixty years of U.S. experience
02 Aug 2014 Leave a comment
in labour economics, minimum wage, politics - New Zealand, politics - USA Tags: minimum wage

In every episode, except 1996 (which is the smallest hike relative to average wages), there was a distinct decline in the trend of teen employment in the few months before the initial hike until a few months after the follow-up hike. This led Kevin Erdmann to ask:
Is there any other issue where the data conforms so strongly to basic economic intuition, and yet is widely written off as a coincidence?
Justice Thomas, a colour-blind Constitution and Brown v. Board of Education (1954)
31 Jul 2014 Leave a comment

How flexible is the New Zealand labour market
31 Jul 2014 1 Comment
in economics of regulation, labour economics, politics - New Zealand, unemployment, welfare reform Tags: 90 day trials, employment law, employment probation periods, employment protection, labour market regulation
The first chart below shows that NZ is the 4th most deregulated labour market for individual dismissals.
Source: OECD employment protection index
The next figure below shows that NZ is top of the world for deregulation of lay-offs and redundancies.
Source: OECD employment protection index
The chart below shows that New Zealand is far more flexible than in Western Europe and is pretty near the USA in terms of people moving in and out of the unemployment pool every month with great ease.
Source: Elsby, Hobijn and Şahin (2013).
There are very high outflow rates from unemployment among the Anglo-Saxon and Nordic economies. The economies of Continental Europe stand in stark contrast. Unemployment outflow rates in these economies lie below 10% at a monthly frequency.
A major labour market reform in recent years in New Zealand was introduction of the option of a 90 day trial for new employees, initially in small businesses and then in all businesses.
The UK recently extended its trial period from one-year to two-years. Trial periods are common in OECD member countries.
There is plenty of evidence to back-up the notion that increased job security leads to less employee effort and more absenteeism. Some examples are:
· Sick leave spiking straight after probation periods ended;
· Teacher absenteeism increasing after getting tenure after 5-years; and
· Academic productivity declining after winning tenure.
The MBIE research into the actual operation of 90-day trials was highly favourable in terms of increased employment, the hiring of riskier applicants and lower costs of ending bad job matches (about 15-20% of trials did not work out). These outcomes are the usual importance of a test drive argument for employment trial periods.
Interestingly, the MBIE research also found that some employers hired new employees on 90-day trials for positions about which these employers were uncertain might be profitable. But for the option of the trial period, these jobs never would have existed.
This suggests that in some firms, 90-day trials are a decisively cheaper alternative to hiring an employee and perhaps making them redundant later if the new position does not pay for itself. No one’s fault: the market just did not sustain the expansion in staff as expected.
The MBIE research shows that winners from 90-day trials are new labour force entrants, the unemployed and beneficiaries, migrants and labour force re-entrants such as mothers.
I kept note of an interesting press report adding to this where Hospitality New Zealand Wellington president Jeremy Smith said he had hired dozens of staff he would not otherwise have considered. Because of the transient nature of the hospitality industry, it was often difficult to check references so a trial period “levelled the playing field”.
The politics of ethnicity-based research in New Zealand
30 Jul 2014 Leave a comment
in applied price theory, discrimination, human capital, income redistribution, labour economics, labour supply, politics - New Zealand, population economics, Public Choice, rentseeking Tags: employment discrimination, inequality, Maori economic development, poverty, Simon Chapple, The Great Enrichment, The Great Fact
When Simon Chapple in 2000 wrote “Māori Socio-Economic Disparity”, which showed that disadvantage in New Zealand is more closely tied to age, marital status, education, skills, and geographic location than it is to ethnicity, broadly conceived, such as Māori ethnicity:
- He was summoned before the Māori Affairs Committee of parliament to defend his paper! His chief executive at the Ministry of Social Policy went along with him to defend what he wrote while employed as a senior analyst at the Department of Labour. Staff at his new ministry launched a petition to have Simon fired.
- The head of the Māori Affairs Ministry accused Simon of breaching the public service code of conduct.
Chapple also found that there are important differences in socio economic development by Māori self-identity. Those who identified only as Māori did worse than those that are identified as Māori and another ethnicity. Identifying only as Māori also correlated with living in rural New Zealand.
In terms of employment discrimination, employers would not know whether a Māori job applicant identified as only as Māori or also with another ethnicity, so discrimination is not a good explanation of Māori disadvantage because of this counterfactual. A major driver of Māori disadvantage, which is identifying on the Census form solely as Maori, is simply unknown to discriminating employers as a basis for discrimination in hiring and promotion.
There were editorials in the Dominion Post, which I cannot find online, and in the New Zealand Herald. The latter said:
The Government is being prodded to recognise that Maori deprivation has more to do with socio-economic factors than ethnicity.
This was the conclusion of a report by the Labour Department’s senior research analyst, Simon Chapple. Helen Clark might well have had that finding partly in mind when she referred to a lot of water having gone under the bridge since the Government first formulated legislation.
Mr Chapple said, in essence, that place of residence, age, education and skills had more to do with poverty than race. In areas such as South Auckland, Northland and the central North Island, there were poor Maori, but there were also poor Pākehā and poor Pasifika.
The Minister attacked him and the paper as well for contradicting the Minister’s claim during the election campaign that everything got worse for Maori in the 1990s.
Real equivalised median household income rose 47% from 1994 to 2010; for Māori, this rise was 68%; for Pasifika, 77% (Perry July 2014)
See Karen Baehler’s Ethnicity-based research and politics: snapshots from the United States and New Zealand for more information and a comparison with the similar response to Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s The Negro Family: A Case for National Action in 1965.
About a quarter of Negro families are headed by women. The divorce rate is about 2 1/2 times what it is [compared with whites],” Moynihan said. “The number of fatherless children keeps growing. And all these things keep getting worse, not better, over recent years.”
Moynihan, now retired from the United States Senate, was a senior official in LBJ’s Labor Department in 1965. He wrote his report on a typewriter over a few weeks and had the publications office in the basement of the Labor Department print 100 of them, marked “For Official Use Only.”
- He warned about the breakdown of the African-American family where deprivation and disorganisation had formed their own vicious circle.
- Many civil rights leaders had labelled Moynihan’s report a subtle form of racism because of its unflattering portrayal of the black family (Wilson 1987).
- These accusations of racism helped make the breakdown of the family a taboo subject in social policy in the USA
see The Moynihan Report Revisited: Lessons and Reflections after Four Decades for a review by the best and the brightest in American economics and sociology on Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s prophetic warnings. Holzer says, for example:
Moynihan was extremely insightful and even prescient in arguing that the employment situation of young black men was a “crisis . . . that would only grow worse.”
He understood that these trends involve both limits on labour market opportunities that these young men face as well as skill deficits of and behavioural responses by the young men themselves.
More children are growing-up without a working father living in the home and glean the awareness that work is a central expectation of adult life (Wilson 1987, 1996).
Single-parent households increased from 13 per cent of all Māori households in 1981 to 24.4 per cent in the 2006 Census. In the 2006 Census, 70 per cent of Māori single parent households were on a low income compared to 15 per cent of other Māori one family households (Kiro, Randow and Sporle 2010).
Most of the skill gaps that are present at the age of 18 – skill gaps which substantially explain gaps in adult earnings and employment in all groups – are also present at the age of five (Cunha and Heckman 2007). There is much evidence to show that disadvantaged children have lower levels of soft skills (non-cognitive skills): motivation, persistence, self-discipline, the ability to work with others, the ability to defer gratification and plan ahead, etc. (Heckman 2008). Most of the skills that are acquired at school build on these soft skills that are moulded and reinforced within whānau.
When I started working on labour economics in 2007 I found that the labour economics of Māori was very narrowly written and stayed well clear of the minefield that Simon braved about how ethnicity does not matter that much to Māori social disadvantage.
Why New Zealanders support MMP
28 Jul 2014 Leave a comment
in constitutional political economy, politics - New Zealand, Public Choice Tags: MMP
Most people seem to give the same reason to me in conversations as to why they support the MMP voting system – Mixed Member Proportional representation.
The reason is profoundly democratic: their party vote always counts no matter where they live in the country or how safe or how marginal the local electorate might be.

Under first past the post, it didn’t matter who you voted for if you lived in a safe electorate because the local MP of whatever political party would always be elected.
What is underplayed in these conversations is how close all elections are in New Zealand, and how likely it is that your vote might be decisive rather than just one of millions.
Under MMP, the last seat in Parliament is a contest between several parties. If anyone just gets a couple of dozen more votes, they get another seat.
In the current parliament of 121, the National Party Government has 59 seats, with the ACT party one seat and the United Future Party one seat.
One more seat for ACT or one less seat for the National Party would have made a big difference to the election outcome. ACT was only 45 votes short of getting that second seat in the 2011 General Election.
Note: Under MMP, the New Zealand House of Representatives is a mix of MPs from single-member electorates
and those elected from a party list, and a Parliament in which a party’s share of the seats roughly mirrors its share of the overall nationwide party vote. There is a minimum party vote threshold to get into Parliament. The party votes of those parties with less than 5% of the party vote do not count unless they win a constituency seat.
Household Incomes in NZ: trends in indicators of inequality and hardship 1982-2013
14 Jul 2014 Leave a comment
in income redistribution, politics - New Zealand Tags: The Great Enrichment
Real household income trends, 1982 to 2013 ($2013) before housing costs (BHC) and after housing costs (AHC)
Gini coefficient 1980 – 2015
The tax and transfer system significantly reduces the inequality
the increases were 55% for Pakeha, 57% for Pasifika, and 64% for Māori since 1994.
The golden thread running through British justice
11 Jul 2014 Leave a comment
in economics of crime, law and economics, politics - New Zealand Tags: British justice, common law, presumption of innocence, rule of law


At least 20% of New Zealand workers are subject to occupational regulation
08 Jul 2014 Leave a comment
in applied price theory, applied welfare economics, comparative institutional analysis, David Friedman, economics of information, economics of regulation, entrepreneurship, industrial organisation, labour economics, law and economics, managerial economics, market efficiency, Milton Friedman, personnel economics, politics - New Zealand, Ronald Coase Tags: adverse selection, asymmetric information, blackboard economics, moral hazard, occupational regulation, screening, signalling
There are at least 98 regulated occupations in New Zealand covering about 20% of the workforce. In 2011, this amounts to 440,371 workers. The skills that are regulated range across all skill sets and many occupations:
- 49% of regulation is in the form of a licence;
- 18% of regulated work is in the form of licensing of tasks;
- 31% of regulated workers require a certificate; and
- 4% of regulated workers require registration.
There are 32 different governing Acts that regulated occupations in New Zealand with 55% of the workers subject to occupational regulation are employed in just five occupations:
- 98,000 teachers;
- 48,500 nurses;
- 42,730 bar managers;
- 32,733 chartered accountants; and
- 22,749 electricians.
The Health Practitioners Competency Assurance Act 2003 regulates 22 occupations and a total of 89,807 workers. The next best is the 10 occupations regulated by the Health and Safety in Employment Act 2002 which regulates an unknown number of occupations. The Civil Aviation Act 1990 regulates eight occupations and 19,095 workers, the Building Act 2004 regulates seven occupations and 21,101 workers and the Maritime Transport Act 1994 regulates six occupations and 20,500 workers. 12 of the regulated occupations are regulated under laws passed since 2007.
The purpose of occupational regulation is to protect buyers from quacks and lemons – to overcome asymmetric information about the quality of the provider of the service.
Adverse selection occurs when the seller knows more than the buyer about the true quality of the product or service on offer. This can make it difficult for the two people to do business together. Buyers cannot tell the good from the bad products on offer so many they do not buy to all and withdraw from the market.

Goods and services divide into inspection, experience and credence goods.
- Inspection goods are goods or services was quality can be determined before purchase price inspecting them;
- Experience goods are goods whose quality is determined after purchase in the course of consuming them; and
- Credence goods are goods whose quality may never be known for sure as to whether the good or service actually worked – was that car repair or medical procedure really necessary?
The problem of adverse selection over experience and credence goods present many potentially profitable but as yet unconsummated wealth-creating transactions because of the uncertainty about quality and reliability.
Buyers are reluctant to buy if they are unsure of quality, but if such assurances can be given in a credible manner, a significant increase in demand is possible.
Any entrepreneur who finds ways of providing credible assurances of the quality of this service or work stands to profit handsomely. Brand names and warranties are examples of market generated institutions that overcome these information gaps through screening and signalling.

Screening is the less informed party’s effort, usually the buyer, to learn the information that the more informed party has. Successful screens have the characteristic that it is unprofitable for bad types of sellers to mimic the behaviour of good types.
Signalling is an informed party’s effort, usually the seller, to communicate information to the less informed party.
The main issue with quacks in the labour market is whether there are a large cost of less than average quality service, and is there a sub-market who will buy less than average quality products in the presence of competing sellers competing on the basis of quality assurance. This demand for assurance creates opportunities for entrepreneurs to profit by providing assurance.
David Friedman wrote a paper about contract enforcement in cyberspace where the buyer and seller is in different countries so conventional mechanisms such as the courts are futile in cases where the quality of the good is not as promised or there is a failure to deliver at all:
Public enforcement of contracts between parties in different countries is more costly and uncertain than public enforcement within a single jurisdiction.
Furthermore, in a world where geographical lines are invisible, parties to publicly enforced contracts will frequently not know what law those contracts are likely to fall under. Hence public enforcement, while still possible for future online contracts, will be less workable than for the realspace contracts of the past.
A second and perhaps more serious problem may arise in the future as a result of technological developments that already exist and are now going into common use. These technologies, of which the most fundamental is public key encryption, make possible an online world where many people do business anonymously, with reputations attached to their cyberspace, not their realspace, identities
Online auction and sales sites address adverse selection with authentication and escrow services, insurance, and on-line reputations through the rating of sellers by buyers.
E-commerce is flourishing despite been supposedly plagued by adverse selection and weak contract enforcement against overseas venders.
In the labour market, screening and signalling take the form of probationary periods, promotion ladders, promotion tournaments, incentive pay and the back loading of pay in the form of pension investing and other prizes and bonds for good performance over a long period.
In the case of the labour force, there are good arguments that a major reason for investments in education is as a to signal quality, reliability, diligence as well as investment in a credential that is of no value the case of misconduct or incompetence. Lower quality workers will find it very difficult if not impossible to fake quality and reliability in this way – through investing in higher education.
In the case of teacher registration, for example, does a teacher registration system screen out any more low quality candidates for recruitment than do proper reference checks and a police check for a criminal record.
Mostly disciplinary investigations and deregistrations under the auspices of occupational regulation is for gross misconduct and criminal convictions rather than just shading of quality.
Much of personnel and organisational economics is about the screening and sorting of applicants, recruits and workers by quality and the assurance of performance.
Alert entrepreneurs have every incentive to find more profitable ways to manage the quality of their workforce and sort their recruitment pools.
Baron and Kreps (1999) developed the recruitment taxonomy made up of stars, guardians and foot-soldiers.
Stars hold jobs with limited downside risk but high performance is very good for the firm – the costs of hiring errors for stars such as an R&D worker are small: mostly their salary. Foot-soldiers are employees with narrow ranges of good and bad possible outcomes.
Guardians have jobs where bad performance can be a calamity but good job performance is only slightly better than an average performance.
Airline pilots and safety, compliance, finance and controller jobs are all examples of guardian jobs where risk is all downside. Bad performance of these jobs can bring the company down. Dual control is common in guardian jobs.
The employer’s focus when recruiting and supervising guardians is low job performance and not associating rewards and promotions with risky behaviours. Employers will closely screen applicants for guardian jobs, impose long apprenticeships and may limit recruiting to port-of-entry jobs.
The private sector has ample experience in handling risk in recruitment for guardian jobs. Firms and entrepreneurs are subject to a hard budget constraints that apply immediately if they hire quacks and duds.
Blackboard economics says that governments may be able to improve on market performance but as Coase warned that actually implement regulatory changes in real life is another matter:
The policy under consideration is one which is implemented on the blackboard.
All the information needed is assumed to be available and the teacher plays all the parts. He fixes prices, imposes taxes, and distributes subsidies (on the blackboard) to promote the general welfare.
But there is no counterpart to the teacher within the real economic system
Occupational regulation comes with the real risk of the regulation turning into an anti-competitive barrier to entry as Milton Friedman (1962) warned:
The most obvious social cost is that any one of these measures, whether it be registration, certification, or licensure, almost inevitably becomes a tool in the hands of a special producer group to obtain a monopoly position at the expense of the rest of the public.
There is no way to avoid this result. One can devise one or another set of procedural controls designed to avert this outcome, but none is likely to overcome the problem that arises out of the greater concentration of producer than of consumer interest.
The people who are most concerned with any such arrangement, who will press most for its enforcement and be most concerned with its administration, will be the people in the particular occupation or trade involved.
They will inevitably press for the extension of registration to certification and of certification to licensure. Once licensure is attained, the people who might develop an interest in undermining the regulations are kept from exerting their influence. They don’t get a license, must therefore go into other occupations, and will lose interest.
The result is invariably control over entry by members of the occupation itself and hence the establishment of a monopoly position.
Friedman’s PhD was published in 1945 as Income from Independent Professional Practice. With co-author Simon Kuznets, he argued that licensing procedures limited entry into the medical profession allowing doctors to charge higher fees than if competition were more open.
Data Source: Martin Jenkins 2012, Review of Occupational Regulation, released by the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment under the Official Information Act.
The application of John Rawls difference principle to New Zealand
07 Jul 2014 Leave a comment
in applied price theory, income redistribution, politics - New Zealand, Rawls and Nozick Tags: difference principle, income distribution, John Rawls, Maori economic development, Pasifika economic development
An urban legend in New Zealand is that income inequality is going from bad to worse.
Since the mid 1990s to around 2011 there was a small net fall in New Zealand’s income inequality trend line in the graph for the Gini coefficient for the income distribution for New Zealand shows. inequality in New Zealand is similar to that in Australia, Ireland, Canada and Japan.
Source: Ministry of Social Development (2014)
Taxes and transfers have reduced inequality in New Zealand when measured by Gini coefficients, but the trend is been relatively stable for many years.
Source: Ministry of Social Development (2014)
Rawls pointed out that behind the veil of ignorance, people will agree to inequality as long as it is to everyone’s advantage. Rawls was attuned to the importance of incentives in a just and prosperous society. If unequal incomes are allowed, this might turn out to be to the advantage of everyone. Robert Nozick said that:
Political philosophers must now either work within Rawls’s theory or explain why not.
The groups that have been doing best in New Zealand have been Maori and Pasifika. In real terms, overall median household income rose 47% from 1994 to 2010; for Maori, this rise was 68%; for Pacific, 77%!
Source: Ministry of Social Development (2014)
The large improvements in Māori incomes since 1992 were based on rising Māori employment rates, fewer Māori on benefits or zero incomes, more Māori moving into higher paying jobs, and greater Māori educational attainment (Dixon and Maré 2007).
Maori unemployment reached a 20-year low of 8 per cent from 2005 to 2008. Labour force participation by Maori increased from 45% in the late 1980s to about 62% in the last few years.
Most of the remaining income disparities between Māori and non-Māori flow from differences in educational attainment and demographic and socio-economic characteristics including household composition (Chapple 2000; Maani 2004; Dixon and Maré 2007).
How much of the massive increases in incomes over the last 20 years spread throughout the entire community are you willing to give up for a little more equality? How much of your income will you donate to charity to lead the way?
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