Not too long ago, the left promoted the pointlessness of minimum wage – Whale Oil Beef Hooked

 

via Not too long ago, the left promoted the pointlessness of minimum wage – Whale Oil Beef Hooked | Whaleoil Media.

The fire of truth: the relationship between inequality and economic prosperity in New Zealand since the 1970s

Figure 1: Before Housing Costs Gini coefficient, New Zealand, 1982 – 2013

closertogether.org.nz/nzs-income-inequality-problem claims that NZ income inequality increased very rapidly in the late 1980s and 1990s — faster than in any other wealthy country.

Figure 2 shows that this rapid rise in inequality coincided with the resumption of economic growth after two lost decades: next to no increase in real GDP per working age New Zealander from 1974 to 1992.

Figure 2: Real GDP per New Zealander and Australian aged 15-64, converted to 2013 price level with updated 2005 EKS purchasing power parities, 1956-2012

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Source: Source: Computed from OECD Stat Extract and The Conference Board, Total Database, January 2014, http://www.conference-board.org/economics

Perry (2014) found that:

  • Income inequality in New Zealand is at a similar level to Australia, Canada, Italy and Japan (Ginis of 32-33) and a little lower than the UK (34). Countries such as Denmark, Norway, Finland and Belgium have lower than average inequality (Ginis of 25-26). The US and Israel have higher scores of 39.
  • The top 1% in New Zealand received around 8% of all taxable income in 2010 and 2011 (before tax), similar to Norway, Finland and Australia, lower than Ireland and Switzerland (11%) and much lower than the UK and Canada (13%) and the US (18%).
  • The trend for the New Zealand share has been steady at around 8-9% since the mid 1990s, with perhaps a slight fall in the last few years. Many OECD countries saw small rises in the period, and in the USA the top 1% share continued to rise strongly, from 13% to 19%.

Perry (2014) concluded that:

Overall, there is no evidence of any sustained rise or fall in inequality in the last two decades. The level of household disposable income inequality in New Zealand is a little above the OECD median. The share of total income received by the top 1% of individuals is at the low end of the OECD rankings.

This remark by Parry that there is no evidence of any sustained rise or fall in inequality in New Zealand in the last 20 years  is very much at odds with the claim of Closer Together New Zealand that income inequality inequality increased rapidly in the late 1980s and 1990s.

The increase in inequality in New Zealand  was in the late 1980s  and early 1990s. In the early 1990s, a long economic boom started that lasted until the global financial crisis.

Figure 3 : Income Inequality in New Zealand as Assessed by the Gini Coefficient

Source: Perry 2014 derived from Statistics NZ Household Economic Survey (HES) 1982–2012.

Figure 4: Income Inequality in New Zealand as Assessed by the P80/P20 Ratio

Source: Perry 2014 derived from Statistics NZ Household Economic Survey (HES) 1982–2012.

Figures 3 and 4 both show that after housing costs inequality in New Zealand is higher, but has been pretty stable for 20 years as measured by the Gini coefficient and by the P80/P20  ratio. (When individuals are ranked by equivalised household income and then divided into 100 equal groups, each group is called a percentile. If the ranking starts with the lowest income, then the income at the top of the 20th percentile is denoted P20; the income at the top of the 80th percentile is called P80. The ratio of the value at the top of the 80th percentile to the value at the top of the 20th percentile is called the P80/20 ratio and is often used as a measure of income inequality).

Figure 5: Proportion of HHs with housing cost outgoings to income of greater than 30%, by income quintile

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Source: Perry (2014); OTI = outgoings to income

Figure 5 shows that

  • for the bottom quintile (Q1), the proportion with high outgoings to income (OTI) steadily reduced from 48% in 1994 to 34% in 2004, as unemployment fell, employment and income rose, and income-related rental policies were introduced in 2000 for those in HNZC houses. From HES 2009 to HES 2013 the proportion rose strongly from 33% to 42%, the highest it has been in the last 25 years except for the peak of 48% in 1994.
  • For households with incomes in the second quintile (Q2) there was a strong rise from the 1980s through to the mid 1990s, followed by a relatively flat trend to 2004. Since 2004, the proportion with high OTIs has risen strongly from 27% to 36%.
  • For the third quintile (Q3) the proportion with high OTIs settled at around 30% for 2007 to 2013, up from 21% in 2004 and 10% in 1988.

Rising housing costs in New Zealand have one explanation, which is restrictions on the supply of land under the Resource Management Act.

HT: nzchildren.co.nz/income_inequality for figures 3 and 4.

How to sell a toxic pesticide the smart way–call it organic | Genetic Literacy Project

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If you are a pesticide company wondering how you can sell a product without being caught in a cultural crossfire, I have good news.

There is a template for marketing success you can use free of charge, courtesy ofMcLaughlin Gormley King Company (MGK) and Valent, which recently announced a sales partnership: Make a toxic chemical cocktail that meets National Organic Program standards and then have the product sold by a subsidiary to foster the perception that it’s a family-run organic companies and not part of the same multinational chemical conglomerate.

via How to sell a toxic pesticide the smart way–call it organic | Genetic Literacy Project.

How on earth did this guy get to become French Minister of Finance? Shades of Roger Douglas?

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What it takes to get passed the FDA

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Occupational regulation gone mad

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Hayek on the futility of cost benefit analysis of regulation

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Robert Nozick on market failure and government intervention

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Gordon Tulloch explains the permit Raj and the Hindu rate of growth

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NBER this week: Regulation and Housing Supply

via Regulation and Housing Supply.

I actually have something nice to say about drug safety regulation!?

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The share market speaks: the boom in marijuana shares

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Over the past two years, investors bid up penny stocks, which are stocks that trade for less than $5 a share, for marijuana from a $500,000 market to more than $7 billion.

The sale and use of marijuana is now approved for medical purposes in 22 states and the District of Columbia and is legal for recreational sales in Colorado and Washington state.

Among those will have to put their money where their mouth is, their entrepreneurial forecast is marijuana legalisation is only going to spread and the legal marijuana market is going to grow. Florida will vote on legalizing medical marijuana, and recent polls suggest the measure has the support needed to pass.

In February 2014, President Obama signed a law that allows states to experiment with industrial hemp. In response, 17 states have removed barriers to hemp production.

HT: Vox.com/marijuana-legalization-maps-charts-facts and https://twitter.com/business/status/479287579263524864

The role of land-use regulation in economic inequality

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Drug decriminalisation in Portugal

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Who Is More Irrational – Consumers or Regulators?

A study by Ted Gayer and W. Kip Viscusi looked into this implied irrationality of consumers. They have found no empirical evidence to support the view that if consumers are so irrational that government agencies must prohibit certain energy consuming products for us to make the right choices:

Rather than accept the implications that consumers and firms are acting so starkly against their economic interest, a more plausible explanation is that there is something incorrect in the assumptions being made in the regulatory impact analyses.

Indeed, upon closer inspection it is apparent that there is no empirical evidence provided for the types of consumer failures alleged.

Even the EPA acknowledged this logical gap in its economic analysis of energy efficiency regulations:

it is a conundrum from an economic perspective that these large fuel savings have not been provided by automakers and purchased by consumers

Not surprisingly Kip Viscusi observed that

The regulatory impact analyses examined in this study contain virtually no empirical evidence to support the irrationality proposition.

• This proposition ignores the fact that consumers and firms purchase products based on a number of factors—only one of which is energy efficiency.

• Government agencies exhibit a parochial bias by ignoring all product attributes other than energy efficiency.

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