What is labour hoarding?

The fall and rebound in employment growth usually lags a few quarters behind the fall and later recovery in output growth in any recession because of labour hoarding. Hamermesh (1993) defined labour hoarding as

a less than proportionate decrease in worker hours in response to a negative demand shock

Firms may hoard or retain under-utilised employees despite falls in demand because of demand uncertainty.

Becker (1975) and Oi (1962) both refer to the fixed costs of employment as an incentive to retain experienced workers with firm-specific human capital during lulls in demand.

The fixed costs of employment are the costs of recruiting and training workers. These fixed costs meant that the demand for labour does not adjust instantly to changes in demand for the firm’s product:

The cyclical behaviour of labour markets reveals a number of puzzling features for which there are no truly satisfying explanations . . .

I believe that the major impediment to rational explanations for these findings lies in the classical treatment of labour as a purely variable factor (Oi 1962).

Hirings and layoffs are costly. Hiring costs include advertising vacancies, the time spent finding and screening applicants and training. Layoff costs include redundancy payments, legal procedures and, importantly, the capital loss of losing access to experienced employees with firm-specific training and then later having to train their replacements.

To reduce these current and capital costs early in recessions, employers will first adjust hours worked and rely on natural attrition of staff to defer laying off their more experienced employees. Only once these options have been exhausted, and demand for the firm’s product is still slack, the capital loss of laying off a worker may become necessary.

Labour hoarding is a speculative investment based on forecasts of demand. The decline in product demand must be seen as short. There will be more layoffs if the recession is expected to be deep or long.

If there is a quick recovery, unnecessary layoffs and the cost of training replacements are both avoided.

What if Abenomics fails?

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Entrepreneurship and sectoral mismatches in labour supply and labour demand

An important factor behind business fluctuations arises not from the balance between aggregate output and aggregate consumption, but from the accuracy of entrepreneurial matching of the individual patterns of output with the pattern of actual consumer demand in individual sectors (Black 1987, 1995).

Fluctuations in the match between resource deployment to different sectors and product demand across sectors can create major fluctuations in output and employment because moving resources from one sector into another is costly and time consuming.

What consumers will want and what can be produced in the future is uncertain. A plethora of sectors produce highly differentiated products with increasingly specialised inputs to serve consumers. Modern economic growth is built on ever greater product differentiation, ever greater product variety and ever increasing product quality produced by ever more specialised workers, firms and sectors. This explosion in specialisation is increasing the vulnerability of the business cycle to technology and taste shocks (Black 1987, 1995; Mehrling 2005).

Mismatches in the sectoral pattern of installed production capacity with actual consumer demand will arise because investments are driven by entrepreneurial forecasts of what will be wanted by consumers in the future. The capacity to produce output requires prior investments based on speculations about future consumer tastes, resource availabilities and technology progress. Part of the volatility in output and employment growth is from these investments depending on the uncertain details of the future.

Entrepreneurial errors in forecasting consumer wants will lead to inevitable mismatches of the production capacity with unfolding consumer demand. If future consumer tastes and upcoming technologies were better known now, employment would grow and be reallocated more smoothly to new uses than otherwise (Black 1987, 1995; Mehrling 2005).

When the match between forecasted and realised demand is good, there is a boom. Resources are where consumers want them. When the match is poorer, there is a recession. If events unfold in a markedly unanticipated direction, existing plans, investments and contracts require revision (Black 1987, 1995).

The existing matches between consumer desires, resource allocations by sector and production technologies can deteriorate. While a reallocation occurs, resources are diverted from production and are scrapped or are unemployed while searching for new uses (Black 1987, 1995).

Fixing a deteriorating match requires the structure of production to shift more into line with the structure of consumer demand. This takes time and consumes resources because human and other capital is highly specialised. It takes time for the new investments consistent with the latest entrepreneurial forecasts of consumer demand to be planned, built and start producing (Black 1987, 1995).

What can appear to be cyclical unemployment comes from alternations between periods of above and below average accuracy on entrepreneurial forecasting and better and worse matches in actual consumer demand and actual capacity to supply at the sector level (Black 1987, 1995; Mehrling 2005).

This type of cyclical unemployment is not a product of monetary, fiscal or other policy shocks. Resources need to be reallocated into a better alignment with consumer tastes and technological and resource possibilities. Preventing these sectoral reallocations will keep resources from moving from lower to higher value uses.

After longer booms, more human capital is more specialised to specific sectors, firms and jobs. This increased specialisation that helped underpin the prior economic boom can slow the recovery of employment at the end of the recession.

Job seekers will take longer to find good new job matches if they have more distinct backgrounds and specialised human capital. Job seekers have an incentive to search for longer to find these higher-paid job matches.

Employers will take longer to fill vacancies. The applicant pool is more diverse because of the high degree of specialisation of labour that is a legacy of the long prior boom. This accumulation of specific human capital over the course of longer booms will mean the length of the burden will affect the depth of the subsequent recession.More highly specialised workers have to be re-matched with new occupations and new sectors. More workers than usual will be putting off the day of having to face up to scrapping a significant part of their old human capital.

Was the 1990s in the USA a boom period or business as usual?

Source: Edward Prescott

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My bullet train trip deep into the Japanese mountains

My first trip on the bullet train was zipping from Tokyo to Kyoto and Osaka and then to Hiroshima. A great experience was my trip to Japan in 1993. An excellent tourist destination. I recommend Japan to anyone as a tourist destination. The language barrier is not a problem – there are plenty of English signs.

When I returned to Japan as a student in 1995, the last of my bullet train trips was into the Japanese mountains.

The class field trip travelled on a spur on the Bullet train to the Yamagata city in Yamagata prefecture.

This bullet train line weaved its way through the mountains and rarely hit any sort of speed. The bullet train was no faster than the ordinary Japanese trains I have taken through the mountains in Japan.

When I asked my Professor of Land Transport when we are heading back from our field trip at an isolated rural train station waiting for the Bullet train, why was the Bullet train to such a remote place, he said that the Secretary General of the Liberal Democratic party always wanted the Bullet train to come to his home district.

Yamagata prefecture has a population of about 1 ½ million. Yamagata city has a population of about a quarter of 1 million. That is smaller than Greater Wellington.

The final station in this spur into Yamagata prefecture has a population of 40,000. Perhaps a Bullet train should come to my suburb in the eastern suburbs of Wellington?

Abe’s snap election pays off with big win for LDP | The Japan Times

the ruling bloc secured a two-thirds supermajority in the 475-seat House of Representatives, giving it the power to override the Upper House.

When I arrived in Japan in 1995, the LDP was out of power and written off.

The LDP were true stayers in politics. They managed to get back into power soon after the 1995 general election by forming a coalition with the Socialist party.

The Socialist party leader was initially the Prime Minister then he resigned later and was replaced by an LDP Prime Minister.

The grip on power of the LDP was consolidated by the great competence of the Koizumi administration.

Source: Edward Prescott

The LDP lost power again in about 2007 but regained power in the next election through the extreme incompetence of their opposition.

In the current election, the main opposition party were unable even to put up enough candidates to actually win a majority.

The key contribution of the main opposition parties in Japan was well stated when they last won an election in 2007. They have shown that they can actually win an election when the LDP performs poorly. That is an important discipline that may not have been there in the 1980s.

via Abe’s snap election pays off with big win for LDP | The Japan Times.

Milton Friedman’s plucking model of the business cycle

Friedman (1993) proposed a model of the depth of recessions and steepness of recoveries built on two empirical regularities:

  1. output is on average below a ceiling defined by supply capacity and tends back to this ceiling; and
  2. large contractions are followed by large expansions and mild contractions are followed by mild expansions.

The strength of a recovery should be positively correlated with depth of the recession but there should be no correlation between expansions and recessions (Friedman 1993; Alchian 1969).

Figure 1 illustrates Friedman’s model, which likens the time path of output to a string on the underside of an upward sloping board that is plucked downward at random intervals to various extents into busts that are followed by booms.

Figure 1: Friedman’s plucking model of the economic fluctuations

Source: Garrison (1996).

The upward sloping board plotted as a thick line in Figure 6 represents a ceiling on feasible output and employment in a given year that is set by resource and technology availabilities. The upward slope of this board accounts for trend real GDP growth over time due to technological progress and other factors.

Output is close to the ceiling shown in Figure 6 except for every now and then when it is plucked downwards by a monetary contraction.

There is no floor on these contractions in output to moderate the depth and violence of contractions, so some recessions are deep and sharp (Hansen and Prescott 2005; Friedman 1993; Goodwin and Sweeney 1993; Sichel 1993).

Contraction depth can vary greatly as is shown by the minor, mild and deep recessions in Figure 1. In each episode of plucking illustrated in Friedman’s model in Figure 1, the rebound mirrors the previous fall in output, but the recovery cannot go beyond the ceiling.

Friedman’s model is a bust-boom model of business cycle fluctuations. The business cycle starts with a bust caused by an adverse policy or other shock and is then followed by a boom as the market self-adjusts and the policy errors are reversed.

Without the initial adverse policy or other shock, there would neither be a bust nor a boom. The economy would track close to the ceiling on output and employment as is shown in Figure 1 by the periods between the plucks.

The correlation between busts and booms arises from the monetary contraction that caused the bust eventually inducing an offsetting correction in monetary policy.

The monetary contraction that pushed or plucked output below the upward sloping ceiling is later followed by a monetary expansion that offset the earlier contraction.

With the amplitude of monetary expansions correlated to offset the prior contractions, GDP growth will have similar plucks or falls and rebounds to the upward sloping output ceiling because of the link albeit with a lag between monetary growth and output fluctuations.

The increases and decreases in monetary growth are independent policy choices with unique causes.

The associated upward and downward movements in GDP growth are not correlated with each other but should be correlated with the prior fluctuations in monetary growth.

There would not be a bust and later boom if there is no monetary contraction to start the cycle. This is why Friedman (1993) proposed that the depths of busts are unrelated to duration and strength of prior economic booms. This upset Austrians such as Roger Garrison:

…Austrians work at a lower level of aggregation in order to allow for the outputs of the two sectors to move relative to one another and even to allow for differential movements within the investment-goods sector…

During a credit-induced boom, investment in the relatively high stages of production is excessive in that resources are drawn away (by an artificially low rate of interest) from the relatively low stages of production and from the final stage, consumption.

The decrease in the amount of resources allocated to the low and final stages is forced saving; the misallocation of resources from low to high stages is malinvestment.

Empirically, a credit-induced boom would be but weakly reflected in the conventional investment aggregate and hardly at all in the Monetarists’ output aggregate, which includes consumption.

The boom for the Austrians refers to something going on largely within the output aggregate.

It is represented in Friedman’s plucking model not by a conspicuous recovery to trend but rather by some period preceding a pluck which Friedman, operating at a higher level of aggregation, presumes to be healthy growth.

The publication of Milton Friedman’s paper in 1993, which recalled an obscure paper he wrote in 1964, lead to a large literature blossoming under the heading business cycle asymmetry.

Greg Mankiw on the early problems of Keynesian macroeconomics

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Robert Lucas on Depression era policies and current financial crisis

WH Hutt on job search

Unemployment, job search, search and matching

Sector specific technology and demand shocks and the business cycle

New technologies unfold daily, and consumer tastes change with rising incomes and the arrival of new products. Jobs will open in the expanding industries and disappear in the shrinking sectors.

A quarter or more of unemployment rate fluctuations over the business cycle could be due to variations in the rate that labour demand shifts across sectors. These sectoral reallocations in labour demand do not arise from mismatches between entrepreneurial forecasts and actual consumer demand.

The higher unemployment rate is not due to a bunching of technological upgrades in a recession. The above average number of sectoral shifts in labour demand is an independent cause of a temporarily higher natural rate of unemployment.

Lilien (1982) suggested that the amount of labour reallocation can change over time. Some periods may be marked by relatively homogeneous growth in labour demand across sectors, whereas others may be characterized by shifts in the composition of labour demand.

Lilien (1982) provided empirical estimates of the variation in the equilibrium unemployment rate from sectoral reallocation. He concluded that the wide unemployment fluctuations in the 1970s were largely induced by unusual structural shifts in the U.S. economy, which caused the equilibrium unemployment rate to fluctuate by about 3 percentage points over the decade!

Figure 2: Employment growth dispersion

An important factor behind business fluctuations arises not from the balance between aggregate output and aggregate consumption, but from the accuracy of entrepreneurial matching of the individual patterns of output with the pattern of actual consumer demand in individual sectors (Black 1987, 1995).

Fluctuations in the match between resource deployment to different sectors and product demand across sectors can create major fluctuations in output and employment because moving resources from one sector into another is costly and time consuming.

To a significant extent, observed fluctuations in the unemployment rate can be fluctuations in the natural rate of unemployment rather than deviations from that natural rate due, for example, to aggregate demand shocks. There will always be some unemployment. There will be new labour force entrants looking for jobs and workers who are between jobs.

The natural rate of unemployment is a long-run level of unemployment that cannot be altered by monetary policy. The natural rate of unemployment depends on the flexibility of wage contracts and labour market institutions, variations in labour demand and supply in individual markets, demographic change, the mobility of workers, unemployment benefits, the cost of gathering information about vacancies and available labour, labour market regulation and random variations in the rate of reallocation of jobs across industries and regions as technology advances and consumer tastes change.

Sectoral shifts in labour demand has a randomness about them because the size, pace and diffusion of technological advances across firms and industries is uneven (Andolfatto and MacDonald 1998, 2004).

The implications of technological progress for jobs has a further randomness because new technologies can displace existing jobs and create new jobs or renovate and update current equipment and employee skills (Mortensen and Pissarides 1998).

As a new technology diffuses, productivity will grow faster in the sectors that are adopting the new technology. During this implementation phase, which is slow, costly and may require considerable learning, there will be reorganisations to capitalise on the impending productivity gains. New technologies differ in the size of the improvement over existing methods and designs and in the difficulty of adopting the new methods. There will be lower growth in years where new technologies offer comparatively minor or less broadly applicable improvements on existing methods. Learning consumes resources, and attempts to learn a new technology through innovation or imitation diverts the resources of firms and workers away from production (Andolfatto and MacDonald 1998, 2004).

This unevenness in the pace and sectoral diffusion of technological progress will introduce unevenness in the rate of labour reallocation across sectors.

With both growing and shrinking sectors, employment may stagnate or fall for a time because the unemployed are searching for new jobs in different industries and perhaps in new occupations or are retraining.

A revival in growth in output and productivity in conjunction with initially poor employment growth is possible and has the attributes of a delayed recovery in employment (Andolfatto and MacDonald 2004).

Cross-sector job searches and the redirection of careers is a longer process than job search in the same industries and occupations. Job migration is more time consuming than the more traditional process of layoffs and rehiring by the same employer or in the same industry and occupation.

During periods of more intensive or above-average sectoral reallocation of labour demand, a mismatch can arise between the skills and experience of the workers who have exited the shrinking sectors and the immediate requirements of the expanding sectors. More workers than average can be moving into new sectors. Some of these job seekers may not be immediately viable candidates for the available jobs and may exert little downward pressure on wages.

There can be mismatch unemployment because the skills and locations of job seekers can be poorly matched with the locations of vacancies. Some local labour markets will have more workers than jobs. Others will have shortages. Job finding can depend on the rate at which the unemployed can retrain or move to locations with unfilled jobs, the rate at which jobs open in different locations and the rate at which workers vacate jobs in places with ready replacements (Shimer 2007).

Cyclical unemployment is a reversible response to lulls in aggregate demand. At the start of a recession, there is a general decline in demand, with few industries creating jobs to replace those that are lost.

As a recession ends, the unemployed are recalled by old employers or find new jobs in those industries as demand renews. Monetary and fiscal policy can aim to smooth these temporary job losses.

Job losses from structural changes in employment and technology are permanent. The sectoral location of jobs has changed. Workers must switch to new industries, sectors and locations or learn new skills.

A role for public policy is to facilitate this process of reallocation to new jobs and retraining.

Critics of the sectoral shifts approach point to the inherent difficulties of distinguishing between sectoral and cyclical movements in unemployment, due to cross-industry differences in sensitivity to aggregate fluctuations.

Does inequality lead to a financial crisis? | VOX, CEPR’s Policy Portal

Figure 1. Change in loans versus changes in top 1% income shares, 14 countries, 1972–2008

via Does inequality lead to a financial crisis? | VOX, CEPR’s Policy Portal.

Milton Friedman – Abolish The Fed

Ideas and Growth Lecture with Nobel Laureate Robert E. Lucas Jr

An Economic Explanation for Putin’s Recklessness

The Putin Years Chart

via An Economic Explanation for Putin’s Recklessness and Can Sanctions Stop Putin? | Brookings Institution.

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