https://twitter.com/DataIsBeautifuI/status/574754584041664512
Children in single-parent families have lower achievement on average than those in two-parent families
17 Mar 2015 Leave a comment
in economics of education, labour economics, poverty and inequality, welfare reform Tags: single parents
Educational disadvantage and single parenthood
15 Mar 2015 Leave a comment
in economics of education, economics of love and marriage, gender, poverty and inequality, welfare reform Tags: family demographics, single parents
The policy world and academia offer widely different opportunities for early career researchers
15 Mar 2015 Leave a comment
in applied price theory, applied welfare economics, economics of bureaucracy, economics of education, occupational choice, organisational economics, politics, Public Choice
Academia rewards findings that are different and unexpected. In policy it is more important to be right than novel—after all, millions of lives may be impacted by a policy decision. In academia, people argue a lot about the direction of an effect but very little about the magnitude: in policy it’s the reverse…

Some of the differences between teenage boys and teenage girls as students
14 Mar 2015 Leave a comment
The Dunning Kruger effect versus non-directional coaching
12 Mar 2015 3 Comments
in economics of education, human capital, managerial economics, organisational economics, personnel economics Tags: coaching, cognitive psychology, Dunning-Kruger effect, John Cleese, psychology of learning, Socratic questions
This seems to be a tension between the Dunning-Kruger effect on the principles of coaching as encompassed by its modern manifestation, non-directional coaching.
Under the modern fad of non-directional coaching, the coach asks open-ended questions which will elicit from the coached his or her own breakthroughs. Questions like what happened, what did you do then, is there another way will lead the student of the coach to reveal their knowledge within?

Psychologists David Dunning and Justin Kruger published a paper in which they described cognitive trait that quickly became known as the Dunning-Kruger effect. In a recent article, Dunning summarizes the effect as:
…incompetent people do not recognize—scratch that, cannot recognize—just how incompetent they are
He further explains:
What’s curious is that, in many cases, incompetence does not leave people disoriented, perplexed, or cautious.
Instead, the incompetent are often blessed with an inappropriate confidence, buoyed by something that feels to them like knowledge.

People who lack the skill to do something also lack the skill to recognise that they don’t know how to do it and to develop the skill how to do it. Dunning also points out:
An ignorant mind is precisely not a spotless, empty vessel, but one that’s filled with the clutter of irrelevant or misleading life experiences, theories, facts, intuitions, strategies, algorithms, heuristics, metaphors, and hunches that regrettably have the look and feel of useful and accurate knowledge.
I’m bad at spelling, grammar and proofreading my own work. To know how skilled or unskilled I am at using the rules of grammar, I must have a good working knowledge of those rules to start with the self-assessed myself as not been good at grammar. This is impossible for me to find out for myself because I don’t know the rules of grammar to tell me that I don’t know the rules of grammar and to what extent I don’t know the rules of grammar. I have succumbed to the Dunning-Kruger Effect
“The Dunning–Kruger effect is a cognitive bias in which unskilled people make poor decisions and reach erroneous conclusions, but their incompetence denies them the metacognitive ability to recognize their mistakes.
The unskilled therefore suffer from illusory superiority, rating their ability as above average, much higher than it actually is, while the highly skilled underrate their own abilities, suffering from illusory inferiority.
Actual competence may weaken self-confidence, as competent individuals may falsely assume that others have an equivalent understanding.
As Kruger and Dunning conclude, ‘the miscalibration of the incompetent stems from an error about the self, whereas the miscalibration of the highly competent stems from an error about others’. The effect is about paradoxical defects in cognitive ability, both in oneself and as one compares oneself to others.”
Poor performers fails to see the flaws in their thinking or the answers they lack. As Dunning explains:
A whole battery of studies conducted by myself and others have confirmed that people who don’t know much about a given set of cognitive, technical, or social skills tend to grossly overestimate their prowess and performance, whether it’s grammar, emotional intelligence, logical reasoning, firearm care and safety, debating, or financial knowledge.
College students who hand in exams that will earn them Ds and Fs tend to think their efforts will be worthy of far higher grades; low-performing chess players, bridge players, and medical students, and elderly people applying for a renewed driver’s license, similarly overestimate their competence by a long shot
Dunning and Kruger proposed that, for a given skill, incompetent people will:
- fail to recognize their own lack of skill;
- fail to recognize genuine skill in others;
- fail to recognize the extremity of their inadequacy; and
- recognize and acknowledge their own previous lack of skill, if they are exposed to training for that skill
Going back to my point about the modern trend in coaching of asking non-directive questions and open-ended questions and expecting the student to make their own breakthroughs, this contradicts the Dunning Kruger effect and the requirement that it be fixed through training. Coaching is not training; they are separate activities.
I was taught this non-directive coaching and went round the workplace asking questions of colleagues who are not economists using these open-ended questions of a coach. None of them made breakthroughs as a result of questions such as what happened, what happened then and other Socratic questions such as those below:
Conceptual clarification questions
Get them to think more about what exactly they are asking or thinking about. Prove the concepts behind their argument. Use basic ‘tell me more’ questions that get them to go deeper.
· Why are you saying that?
· What exactly does this mean?
· How does this relate to what we have been talking about?
· What is the nature of …?
· What do we already know about this?
· Can you give me an example?
· Are you saying … or … ?
· Can you rephrase that, please?
Probing their assumptions makes them think about the presuppositions and unquestioned beliefs on which they are founding their argument. This is shaking the bedrock and should get them really going!
· What else could we assume?
· You seem to be assuming … ?
· How did you choose those assumptions?
· Please explain why/how … ?
· How can you verify or disprove that assumption?
· What would happen if … ?
· Do you agree or disagree with … ?
Probing rationale, reasons and evidence
When they give a rationale for their arguments, dig into that reasoning rather than assuming it is a given. People often use un-thought-through or weakly-understood supports for their arguments.
· Why is that happening?
· How do you know this?
· Show me … ?
· Can you give me an example of that?
· What do you think causes … ?
· What is the nature of this?
· Are these reasons good enough?
· Would it stand up in court?
· How might it be refuted?
· How can I be sure of what you are saying?
· Why is … happening?
· Why? (keep asking it — you’ll never get past a few times)
· What evidence is there to support what you are saying?
· On what authority are you basing your argument?
Questioning viewpoints and perspectives
Most arguments are given from a particular position. So attack the position. Show that there are other, equally valid, viewpoints.
· Another way of looking at this is …, does this seem reasonable?
· What alternative ways of looking at this are there?
· Why it is … necessary?
· Who benefits from this?
· What is the difference between… and…?
· Why is it better than …?
· What are the strengths and weaknesses of…?
· How are … and … similar?
· What would … say about it?
· What if you compared … and … ?
· How could you look another way at this?
Probe implications and consequences
The argument that they give may have logical implications that can be forecast. Do these make sense? Are they desirable?
· Then what would happen?
· What are the consequences of that assumption?
· How could … be used to … ?
· What are the implications of … ?
· How does … affect … ?
· How does … fit with what we learned before?
· Why is … important?
· What is the best … ? Why?
And you can also get reflexive about the whole thing, turning the question in on itself. Use their attack against themselves. Bounce the ball back into their court, etc.
· What was the point of asking that question?
· Why do you think I asked this question?
· Am I making sense? Why not?
· What else might I ask?
· What does that mean?
Gender Gap in Education Cuts Both Ways
11 Mar 2015 Leave a comment
in discrimination, economics of education, gender
The key driver of inequality is…
08 Mar 2015 Leave a comment
in economics of education, human capital, labour economics, poverty and inequality Tags: education premium
The explosion in women’s professional education just after the pill became widely available
07 Mar 2015 Leave a comment
in discrimination, economic history, economics of education, gender, labour economics, labour supply, occupational choice, politics - USA Tags: economics of fertility, engines of liberation, female labour supply, gender wage gap, reversing gender gap, The Pill

Source: whitehouse.gov
Are humans getting cleverer?
06 Mar 2015 Leave a comment
in economics of education, technological progress Tags: Flynn effect, IQ
…if the Americans of 100 years ago took today’s tests, they would have an average IQ of 70 – the recognised cut-off for people with intellectual disabilities. To put it another way, IQ has been rising at roughly three points per decade.

HT: http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-31556802
@greencatherine @PPTAWeb Teachers union concedes that NZ charter schools improve student outcomes?
04 Mar 2015 1 Comment
in economics of education, human capital, politics - New Zealand, politics - USA, unions Tags: charter schools, School choice
The New Zealand teachers union went into a very curious rant against chartered schools in a letter to the Dominion Post today. Instead of saying that they do not improve student outcomes, the usual propaganda, the author of the letter focused on system-wide outcomes after the introduction of charter schools.

It is usual for the teachers union to say that the schools themselves fail rather than argue that adding five or 10 schools to a system of thousands of public schools in New Zealand will through competition from these few schools to lift the entire system. For example, the teachers union sets a very high standard for the charter schools:
The United States has had charter schools for a more than a decade and there has been no measurable improvement in that country’s overall performance in literacy, maths and science. The United States lags far behind New Zealand on recent performance tests in all those areas.
It is unwise to say there is no evidence because that leaves you open to the cheap shot that will find one piece of evidence and then ask why you making things up. For example, the Maxim Institute found that:
The evidence from the small body of research that exists is mixed: some studies have found the presence of charter schools to have had a small negative impact on pupil achievement in regular state schools, while other studies have found charter schools to have had either a negligible or small positive impact…
There my work is done. All I had to show was that there was some evidence showing that charter schools improved the performance of neighbouring schools.

Why is the teachers union pretending that this evidence is not there when it can be found and so easily on the Internet?

Is the reason that the evidence that charter schools improve the outcomes of students that go to them is so strong that they have to move to new reasons for opposing them? The evidence is some chartered schools do very well and in particular for minority students. Their greatest strength is they are closed if they fail. No similar standard applies to failing public schools.

At a minimum, the teachers unions have conceded that the charter schools seem to work and that they do no harm to the rest of the system? If there was evidence of that, they would be quick to put it forward.








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