Will comparable worth increase the pay of male prison guards?

Late last year, the New Zealand Court of Appeal held that paying women in predominantly female occupations less than men in other occupations with similar skills and responsibilities may be illegal under the Equal Pay Act of 1972.

The Employment Court found that to assess whether a breach of the 1972 Act had occurred in a female intensive industry, it would be necessary, and within the scope of the Act to use external employers and other industries as comparators in determining what a notional male employee with similar skills and responsibilities would be paid. The comparison would not just be within the same workplace.

The Court of Appeal agreed with the Employment Court’s finding. In particular, the necessity to be able to look outside a female-intensive industry to properly ascertain what a notional male performing that role would be paid based on skills and similarities of duties where there is no appropriate comparator within the industry.

Rather than talk about this New Zealand employment case directly, my first post will be about the experiences in the USA. A later post will discuss New Zealand in more depth.

The US Supreme Court’s first decision on comparable worth was County of Washington v. Guenther. This 1981 case was about female prison guards being paid 70% of the wages of male guards in the same prison. The County of Washington did a study that show they should be paid 95% of male guards.

This particular case has a tremendous irony because it is actually reasonable to argue that male guards, and perhaps female guards in male prisons, should get danger money depending on the level of direct contact with high risk prisoners. Male prisoners are far more violent. I don’t think anyone disputes that.

Quite simply, a lot of people don’t accept that the wage setting processes results from two conditions: wages are limited from above by the workers’ marginal productivity in the job: a limited from below by the alternative job offers of other employers.

Rather than fight that battle for the 10,000th time, a considerable amount of the economic analysis of comparable worth in the 1980s took the principle of comparable worth for granted and simply traces out the unintended consequences of implementing comparable worth.

They then go on to argue, for example, Ed Lazear, that comparable worth is never the correct remedy for wage differentials and job segregation because it makes everything worse. Rather than persuade people that markets function well, he simply points out that comparable worth turns out to be a bizarre intervention and will do many things that its supporters don’t want.

As Richard Posner observed in a 1986 US appeal court opinion, under the principles of comparable worth, a perfectly decent and honest employer who behaves with complete honour towards women and their equality will nonetheless, if they lost comparable worth litigation, would have to pay back-pay despite the fact he paid the going wage and couldn’t afford to pay more.

The practical upshot of comparable worth is to introduce occupation by occupation and job by job minimum wages for women, with the burden of proof on the employer to show that a comparable worth ruling should not apply to them.

If comparable worth were to be applied to the aged care sector, such as is proposed in New Zealand, more women would move into that sector because of the higher wages, leaving to an over qualification problem with aged care workers.

Instead of moving women into better occupations – occupational upgrading – comparable worth based wage increases will keep low skilled women in the old occupations where they were previously supposedly discriminated against.

Furthermore, to the extent that the low pay of women in the aged care work is the product of sex discrimination and occupational segregation, comparable worth does nothing to reduce the barriers to entry into male dominated, better paid occupations.

To the extent that the wage increase because of comparable worth puts women out of work, not only do they not have a job, the purported barriers to entry into the better paid male dominated occupations are not addressed in any way.

Instead of reducing occupational segregation, comparable worth would increase it. More women would enter the low paid occupations to get the comparable worth wage increase, rather than try and move up the occupational ladder.

By increasing wages in the female dominated occupation, comparable worth causes more women and men to enter these occupations, not less, and at the same time shrinks the number of jobs available by driving down demand because of higher costs of labour.

One of the responses of employers to comparable worth is to change the composition of the recruitment poor from which they hire. They will hire better qualified workers and put out of work their existing workers. This is common with the teenage minimum wage: 17 and 18-year-olds tend to lose their jobs to more mature and responsible 18 to 19-year-olds after a minimum wage increase.

The better explanation of why so many women are in a particular occupation is job sorting: that particular job has flexible hours and the skills do not depreciate as fast for workers who take time off, working part-time or returning from time out of the workforce.

  • Low job turnover workers will be employed by firms that invest more in training and job specific human capital.
  • Higher job turnover workers, such as women with children, will tend to move into jobs that have less investment in specialised human capital, and where their human capital depreciates at a slower pace.

Women, including low paid women, select careers in jobs that match best in terms of work life balance and allows them to enter and leave the workforce with minimum penalty and loss of skills through depreciation and obsolescence.

This is the choice hypothesis of the gender wage gap. Women choose to train and be educated in occupations where human capital depreciates at a slower pace.

Comparable worth is a very 20th century concept:

  • The wage gap in the late 20th century was driven by the education gap; and
  • In the 21st century, it is driven by work flexibility.

Claudia Goldin has described pharmacy is the most family friendly occupation. She compares it to law. In law, if you work long hours, you are on partnership track and win the top clients. In pharmacy, the only advantage of working longer hours as you earn more money that week. Also, pharmacists are completely interchangeable. Do you care which pharmacist fills out your prescription at your local pharmacy or even know which one fills it out? Lawyers are not interchangeable: they cannot just handover a case. Detailed briefings would be required. You expect your lawyer to show up in court or at meetings on time anywhere without fail.

Claudia Goldin did a great study of Harvard MBA is using online surveys of their careers. She found that three proximate factors accounted for the large and rising gender gap in earnings:

  • differences in training prior to MBA graduation,
  • differences in career interruptions, and
  • differences in weekly hours.

The greater career discontinuity and shorter work hours for female MBAs are largely associated with motherhood. There are some jobs that are severely penalise any time out of the workforce.

Goldin found one counterfactual that cancels out the gender wage gap amongst MBA professionals: hubby earns less! Female MBAs who’ve have a partner who earn less than them earn as much as the average MBA professional on an hourly basis but work a few less hours per week.

When comparable worth was introduced by legislation in Ontario, any comparable worth wage increase was limited to 1% of the previous year’s payroll and then these payments could continue until pay equity is achieved. The pay equity legislation for the private sector in Ontario applied to any private sector employer with 10 or more employees.

A study found that the Ontario pay equity law had no effect on aggregate wages in female jobs or on the gender wage gap. Also, a lot of small firms completely ignored the law or didn’t even know about it.

The key point to make is if the New Zealand employment courts introduce comparable worth, it will be in one foul swoop with the possibility of substantial back-pay owing. If Parliament decided to act, it can introduce social reforms at a measured pace.

France, here the New Zealand labour market comes – part 2! How the Employment Court is re-regulating

As discussed yesterday, if the Employment Court had its way, New Zealand case law under the Employment Relations Act regarding redundancies and layoffs would be as job destroying as those in France.

The Employment Court’s war against jobs goes back more than 20 years. To 1991 and G N Hale & Son Ltd v Wellington etc Caretakers etc IUW where the Court held that a redundancy to be justifiable under law it must be ‘unavoidable’, as in redundancies could only arise where the employer’s capacity for business survival was threatened.

The Court of Appeal slapped that down and affirm the right of the employer to manage his business in no uncertain terms:

…this Court must now make it clear that an employer is entitled to make his business more efficient, as for example by automation, abandonment of unprofitable activities, re-organisation or other cost-saving steps, no matter whether or not the business would otherwise go to the wall…

The personal grievance provisions … should not be treated as derogating from the rights of employers to make management decisions genuinely on such grounds. Nor could it be right for the Labour Court to substitute its own opinion as to the wisdom or the expediency of the employer’s decision.

When a dismissal is based on redundancy, it is the good faith of that basis and the fairness of the procedure followed that may fall to be examined on a complaint of unjustifiable dismissal

… the Court and the grievance committees cannot properly be concerned with an examination of the employer’s accounts except in so far as it bears on the true reason for dismissal.

The Employment Court could only inquire as to the genuineness of the employer’s decision and the procedures adopted. The Court could not substitute their views on management decisions. No second-guessing.

In Brake v Grace Team Accounting Ltd, the Employment Court found its way back into second-guessing employer’s decisions about how to manage their business. The figures used by the employer to decide that a redundancy was required were in error. The employer miscalculated.

The Employment Court had previously held in Rittson-Thomas T/A Totara Hills Farm v Hamish Davidson that the statutory test of what a fair and reasonable employer could have done in all the circumstances applies to the substantive reasoning for redundancies. Some enquiry into the employer’s substantive decision is required to establish that a hypothetical fair and reasonable employer could also make the same decision in all of the circumstances.

Subsequently in Brake v Grace Team Accounting Ltd, the Employment Court found that the actions by the employer were “not what a fair and reasonable employer would have done in all the circumstances” and “failed to discharge the burden of showing that the plaintiff’s dismissal for redundancy was justified”.

The Court found that the redundancy was “a genuine, but mistaken, dismissal”, but it still found that the dismissal was substantively unjustified. That is a major new development. Mistaken dismissals that are genuine are unlawful and grounds for compensation under the employment law.

The case was appealed where the issues were whether the correct test had been applied. The Court of Appeal, in a sad day for employers, job creation and the unemployed, found that the Employment Court was within its rights to do what it did and applied the statutory tests correctly:

 GTA acted precipitously and did not exercise proper care in its evaluation of its business situation and it made its decision about Ms Brake’s redundancy on a false premise.

So it never turned its mind to what its proper business needs were but rather proceeded to evaluate its options based on incorrect information. We can see no error in the finding by the Employment Court that a fair and reasonable employer would not do this.

The test is now that fair and reasonable employers in New Zealand do not make mistakes. A much greater burden is now laid upon employers to show that not only that redundancies are justified, but they have made careful calculations and no mistakes.

No more seat of your pants entrepreneurship in New Zealand. No more entrepreneurial hunches – the essence of entrepreneurship is acting on hunches and other judgements that are incapable of being articulated to others and about which there is mighty disagreement in many cases. As Lavoie (1991) states:

…most acts of entrepreneurship are not like an isolated individual finding things on beaches; they require efforts of the creative imagination, skillful judgments of future costs and revenue possibilities, and an ability to read the significance of complex social situations.

The essence of entrepreneurship is your hunches are better than the next guy’s and you survive in competition by backing that hunch often to the consternation of the crowd. As Mises explains:

[Economics] also calls entrepreneurs those who are especially eager to profit from adjusting production to the expected changes in conditions, those who have more initiative, more venturesomeness, and a quicker eye than the crowd, the pushing and promoting pioneers of economic improvement…

The entrepreneurial idea that carries on and brings profits is precisely that idea which did not occur to the majority… The prize goes only to those dissenters who do not let themselves be misled by the errors accepted by the multitude

In many cases, those entrepreneurial hunches are sorted, sifted and selected on the basis of trial and error in the marketplace. Central to Hayek’s conception of the meaning of competition is it is a process of trial and error with many errors:

Although the result would, of course, within fairly wide margins be indeterminate, the market would still bring about a set of prices at which each commodity sold just cheap enough to outbid its potential close substitutes — and this in itself is no small thing when we consider the insurmountable difficulties of discovering even such a system of prices by any other method except that of trial and error in the market, with the individual participants gradually learning the relevant circumstances.

Remember Hayek’s conception of competition as a discovery procedure where prices and production emerge through the clash of entrepreneurial judgements and competitive rivalry:

…competition is important only because and insofar as its outcomes are unpredictable and on the whole different from those that anyone would have been able to consciously strive for; and that its salutary effects must manifest themselves by frustrating certain intentions and disappointing certain expectations

Errors are no longer permitted in the New Zealand labour market by the Employment Court. The Court has outlawed error in redundancy decisions.

This is despite the fact that the conception by Kirzner of the market process is that it is an error correction procedure without rival and a central role of entrepreneurial alertness is to correct errors in pricing and production:

It is important to notice the role played in this process of market discovery by pure entrepreneurial profit. Pure profit opportunities emerge continually as errors are made by market participants in a changing world. The inevitably fleeting character of these opportunities arises from the powerful market tendency for entrepreneurs to notice, exploit, and then eliminate these pure price differentials.

The paradox of pure profit opportunities is precisely that they are at the same time both continually emerging and yet continually disappearing. It is this incessant process of the creation and the destruction of opportunities for pure profit that makes up the discovery procedure of the market. It is this process that keeps entrepreneurs reasonably abreast of changes in consumer preferences, in available technologies, and in resource availabilities.

Rothbard made similar arguments about the centrality of discrepancies and error in entrepreneurship:

The capitalist-entrepreneur buys factors or factor services in the present; his product must be sold in the future. He is always on the alert, then, for discrepancies, for areas where he can earn more than the going rate of interest.

In Frank Knight’s conception of profit, there were temporary profits that arise from the correction of error:

In the theory of competition, all adjustments “tend” to be made correctly, through the correction of errors on the basis of experience, and pure profit accordingly tends to be temporary.

The Employment Court misunderstands the market process as a process of error correction. Those errors are identified through entrepreneurial alertness and trial and error. These errors are both of over-optimism and over-pessimism as Kirzner explains:

Errors of over-pessimism are those in which superior opportunities have been overlooked. They manifest themselves in the emergence of more than one price for a product which these resources can create. They generate pure profit opportunities which attract entrepreneurs who, by grasping them, correct these over-pessimistic errors.

The other kind of error, error due to over-optimism, has a different source and plays a different role in the entrepreneurial discovery process. Over-optimistic error occurs when a market participant expects to be able to complete a plan which cannot, in fact, be completed.

A considerable part of entrepreneurial alertness arises from the business opportunities created by sheer ignorance and pure error as Kirzner explains:

What distinguishes discovery (relevant to hitherto unknown profit opportunities) from successful search (relevant to the deliberate production of information which one knew one had lacked) is that the former (unlike the latter) involves that surprise which accompanies the realization that one had overlooked something in fact readily available. (“It was under my very nose!”)

The market process is a selection procedure where the more efficient survive for reasons that may be unknown to the entrepreneurs directly concerned as well as to observers and officious judges. Alchian pointed out the evolutionary struggle for survival in the face of market competition ensured that only the profit maximising firms survived:

  • Realised profits, not maximum profits, are the marks of success and viability in any market. It does not matter through what process of reasoning or motivation that business success is achieved.
  • Realised profit is the criterion by which the market process selects survivors.
  • Positive profits accrue to those who are better than their competitors, even if the participants are ignorant, intelligent, skilful, etc. These lesser rivals will exhaust their retained earnings and fail to attract further investor support.
  • As in a race, the prize goes to the relatively fastest ‘even if all the competitors loaf.’
  • The firms which quickly imitate more successful firms increase their chances of survival. The firms that fail to adapt, or do so slowly, risk a greater likelihood of failure.
  • The relatively fastest in this evolutionary process of learning, adaptation and imitation will, in fact, be the profit maximisers and market selection will lead to the survival only of these profit maximising firms.

The surviving firms may not know why they are successful, but they have survived and will keep surviving until overtaken by a better rival. All business needs to know is a practice is successful.

One method of organising production and supplying to the market will supplant another when it can supply at a lower price (Marshall 1920, Stigler 1958). Gary Becker (1962) argued that firms cannot survive for long in the market with inferior product and production methods regardless of what their motives are. They will not cover their costs.

The more efficient sized firms are the firm sizes that are currently expanding their market shares in the face of competition; the less efficient sized are those firms that are currently losing market share (Stigler 1958; Alchian 1950; Demsetz 1973, 1976). Business vitality and capacity for growth and innovation are only weakly related to cost conditions and often depends on many factors that are subtle and difficult to observe (Stigler 1958, 1987). The Employment Court pretends to know better than the outcome of the competitive struggle in the market for survival.

The Employment Court also believes employers have something akin to academic tenure. In 2010, the Court found that an employee’s redundancy was unjustified because the employer did not offer redeployment and there is no requirement that the right of the redeployment be written into the employment agreement (Wang v Hamilton Multicultural Services Trust). The particulars of this case were quite interesting:

  • A new management role was created with significantly more responsibility for training, supervision and decision making than the redundant finance administrator role, with a 50% salary increase to recognise the increased responsibilities and duties.
  • The vacancy was advertised externally but the existing finance administrator was encouraged to apply.
  • His experience and qualifications meant that he could fulfil the new role, albeit with some up-skilling.
  • He decided not to apply for it to avoid jeopardising a personal grievance claim that his redundancy was not genuine and therefore unjustified.

In the case at hand, the Employment Court held that the employer was obliged to look for alternatives to making the employee redundant. Given that he would be able to perform the new finance manager position with some up-skilling, the employer should have offered him the position rather than simply inviting him to apply for it.

The notion that an employee through training can quickly increase their marginal productivity by 50% to fill a more senior role contradicts the modern labour economics of human capital. A 50% salary increase through a bit of training would imply extraordinary annual returns on other forms of on-the-job training and formal education as well as the training at hand in the Employment Court case.

I would very much like to be in the position where I can get a 50% salary increase after a bit of training. As I recall, I required about 5-10 years of on-the-job human capital acquisition before my starting salary as a graduate was 50% higher through promotion and transfers.

In summary, the Employment Court stands apart from the modern labour economics of human capital and job search and matching as well as the modern theory of entrepreneurial alertness, and the market as a discovery procedure and an error correction mechanism. The Employment Court has fallen for both the pretence to knowledge and the fatal conceit.

The main drug trafficking routes into the USA and the countries they undermine

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France, here the New Zealand labour market comes! The Employment Court’s long march to re-regulate

If the Employment Court had its way, New Zealand case law under the Employment Relations Act regarding redundancies and layoffs would be as strict as those in France. As top employment lawyer Peter Cullen explained in the Dominion Post today:

Former Employment Court chief justice Tom Goddard said employees could not be made redundant unless the company would otherwise go to the wall.

The employer appealed.

The Court of Appeal said something quite different. Its view was that if a business could be run more efficiently without a particular position, then it was entitled to disestablish it.

The Court of Appeal made it plain that it would not critically examine the logic behind the employer disestablishing a role. If the reason behind the redundancy was genuine, that was all that really mattered. Of course a fair process and consultation ought to precede any decision, but the outcome nevertheless was that the position could go.

The Employment Court wanted the position to be the same as at that in France where layoffs are permissible only to avoid bankruptcy:

…firms still cannot lay off workers to improve competitiveness when the business is healthy; they can only make economic dismissals to preserve competitiveness when already in financial straits. In France, it ought to be legal to fix small problems before they become big.

This French standard of regulation of layoffs and redundancies, if it had survived on appeal, would have come as a surprise to many, including the OECD who rates New Zealanders having no regulation of layoffs in its Index of Employment Protection.

Source: OECD employment protection index.

But you can’t keep an activist Employment Court down. It’s next tactic was salami tactics. Chipping away at the right of the employer to run its business and decide how large its labour force is. Peter Cullen again with the Employment Court pretending it can second-guess entrepreneurial judgements and arithmetic:

In the case between Grace Team Accounting and employee Judith Brake, the Employment Court found that the decision to make Brake’s position redundant was based upon mistaken arithmetic. The Court of Appeal held that Brake’s redundancy amounted to an unjustified dismissal.

Next cab off the rank was requiring employers to give preference to redundant employees pretty much no matter what. Peter Cullen again:

In the case of Neil Wang and his employer the Hamilton Multicultural Services Trust, the trust encouraged Wang to apply for another role within the organisation.

However, the Employment Court said the trust should have considered whether they should have simply offered Wang the position without having to go through an application process.

The court found that even though the other role was not the same, it required the same skills and minimal retraining and so the trust should have simply given Wang the role.

It is standard in the redundancies and restructurings I’ve been involved with for non-managerial employees to go through internal reassignment panels. Some didn’t make it and were laid off.

It’s common for the managerial vacancies to be advertised externally so that redundant managers must compete with external applicants so that the workplace can renew itself. Quite a few managers don’t make it through this process because of the external competition.

This clear preference for existing employees is a major reregulation of the labour market. Now, every redundant employee can engage in vexatious litigation and squeeze a few thousand dollars extra out of the employer by threatening to go to the Employment Court for a second opinion on the entrepreneurial judgements of the employer. To save managerial time as well is legal fees, it’s cheaper for most employers to pay the redundant employee off with a small settlement.

Anything that makes it more expensive to fire an employee makes it more expensive to hire an employee. This will reduce job creation in New Zealand now that the French standard applies:

…businesses remain obligated to assist laid-off employees in finding other jobs and in retraining them for their new positions – a distinctly French phenomenon. For businesses with more than 1,000 employees, this limbo period before dismissal can last from four to nine months.

The changing face of marriage in America

cognitivedissident.org

David Friedman on global warming, population and problems with the externality argument

14 Years After Decriminalizing All Drugs, Here’s What Portugal Looks Like – Mic

HT: 14 Years After Decriminalizing All Drugs, Here’s What Portugal Looks Like – Mic.

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Public opinion and incarceration rates in the USA

support for being tough on crime

HT: Why the United States incarcerates so many people (in one graph) – The Washington Post.

Priests could first stand for the House of Commons in 2001

The House of Commons (Removal of Clergy Disqualification) Act 2001 removed the disqualifications for clergy in standing for election and sit in the House of Commons. Through the interaction of different anti-Catholic legislation in the 18th and 19th century, Roman Catholic priests were still barred from sitting in the House of Commons until 2001. This included ex-priests.

The issue first came to a head when Bruce Kent came third in a seat in the 1997 election. The bill was drafted, but lapsed until the Labour Party endorsed an ex-priest for a safe seat. Without legislative action, he would not have been able to take his place in the House of Commons.

James MacManaway was the first priest to win a House of Commons seat in 150 years when he won a Belfast seat in 1950. The advice of the Attorney-General prior to his standing was there was no bar from standing because the Church of Ireland had been disestablished in 1869.

When he moved to take his seat, a select committee looked into the matter and then referred it to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.

The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council held that the Irish Church Act 1869 did disestablish the Church of Ireland, but since there was no express provision in that Act permitting its clergymen to sit as MPs, the House of Commons (Clergy Disqualification) Act 1801 still debarred any person

ordained to the office of priest or deacon’ from sitting or voting in the House of Commons. Roman Catholic Relief Act 1829 specifically barred ‘person[s] in holy orders in the Church of Rome.

Although MacManaway was disqualified from its seat after sitting for 238 days, and he did not stand for the by-election, no legislative action was taken to correct this blot on British democracy.

Parliament passed up the opportunity to remedy the matter when passing the House of Commons (Disqualification) Act 1975. This Act disqualifies a large number of public office holders from sitting in the House of Commons.

Likewise, when the Lord Chancellor (Tenure of Office and Discharge of Ecclesiastical Functions) Act 1974 was passed, the issue of Catholic priests in the House of Commons was left to one side. This Act may provision for the exercise of Church of England ecclesiastical functions during any tenure of the office of Lord Chancellor, of horror of horrors, by Roman Catholics. The Lord Chancellor makes many appointments within the Church of England.

The Clergy Disqualification Act 1870 provided a procedure which enabled Church of England clergy to relinquish their clerical positions and, after a period of six months, be freed from the parliamentary disqualification. There is no equivalent statutory procedure for clergy of other churches.

And here ends my constitutional curio of the day.

How much does it cost to run for Congress in the Philippines?

A candidate for Congress or for mayor in the Philippines has to spend around P73, 060, 000 (US$1,537,781).

The Congressmen in the Philippines must meet a huge payroll:

  • As many as 6,000 ward leaders are maintained. They are the backbone of election campaign in the barangays (villages) where they live. They receive at least P2, 000 per month for three months prior to the election.
  • In between elections, ward leaders of incumbents are hired as casuals or holds office in the city’s bureaucracy. Casuals have jobs for a minimum of three months a year. Then there are 15-30 ghost employees hired by the city or municipality.
  • On election day, a candidate needs watchers for each of 3,000 precincts. At a minimum of P500 ($10.52) per watcher, the total cost is P3 million (63, 144) plus meals.
  • Transportation costs amounts to at least P3 million ($63, 144).
  • Costs of the campaign materials and many carnival style election rallies are conservatively pegged at P5 million ($105, 241).

My source then asks:

On this minimum conservative figure, why is a candidate willing to spend this amount in an election when the accumulated salaries of a mayor for a three-year term amounts to P 2 million ($42, 096) and P3 million ($63, 144) for a representative of the Lower House?

A successful Philippine presidential candidate expects to spend 3 billion pesos; a candidate for the Senate must spend at least ½ billion pesos. Senate candidates are elected on a single national ballot, so they must have a national payroll and a larger payroll in the provinces where they are strong.

Philippine politics is basically divided up into Communist and non-Communist political parties with a shifting kaleidoscope of alliances both between and within parties. Most alliances breakup and realign when a presidential election is looming, depending on who looks like being the winning side.

These costs of running for Congress do not include maintaining private armies, which some Philippine politicians do, especially in the south and in the poorer provinces. These private armies, at least 85 private armies of politicians have been identified, are for personal protection as well is intimidation of rival candidates. Many of these private armies are made up of moonlighting police officers.

I was in the Philippines for the election when Estrada was elected president. There were 40 murders in that election by the time I left. That is the average number for a Philippine national election. Most of the murders are associated with candidates for local or provincial elections.

Politics is very retail the Philippines, which is common through Asia. I once attended a public meeting with the visiting Vice-President of the Philippines in New Zealand. Every question but one was about how she could help members of the audience in some way at the personal level. The only political question was on abortion.

The two politicians who accompanied her sang or did a comedy routine rather than answer questions or make some sort of pitch to the audience on policy. One of these politicians who accompanied Vice-President Arroyo was an actress who was later elected to the Senate.

Sir Edward Coke defends English liberty

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The Effect of Police Body-Worn Cameras on Use of Force and Citizens’ Complaints Against the Police

The results are no surprise. There is a 50% drop in the use of force by police when they are required to wear body cameras.

We conducted a randomized controlled trial, where nearly 1,000 officer shifts were randomized over a 12-month period to treatment and control conditions.

During ‘‘treatment shifts’’ officers were required to wear and use body-worn-cameras when interacting with members of the public, while during ‘‘control shifts’’ officers were instructed not to carry or use the devices in any way.

We observed the number of complaints, incidents of use-of-force, and the number of contacts between police officers and the public, in the years and months preceding the trial (in order to establish a baseline) and during the 12 months of the
experiment.

police body cameras and use of force

Police use of force reports halved on shifts when police wore cameras. It is not known whether this reduction in the use of force is because members of the public were now aware that any misbehaviour by them to be caught on camera  and used as evidence against them or police were aware that any excessive force by them would be caught on camera as well.

Bureaucracy also landed on the Moon too

https://twitter.com/History_Pics/status/570372893588267008

Richard Posner on libertarian scepticism about law as an engine of women’s liberation

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Geographic anomalies around the world

All

Full map is at http://www.geocurrents.info/geopolitics/key-to-map-of-geopolitical-anomalies

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In Hume’s spirit, I will attempt to serve as an ambassador from my world of economics, and help in “finding topics of conversation fit for the entertainment of rational creatures.”

The Victorian Commons

Researching the House of Commons, 1832-1868

The History of Parliament

Articles and research from the History of Parliament Trust

Books & Boots

Reflections on books and art

Legal History Miscellany

Posts on the History of Law, Crime, and Justice

Sex, Drugs and Economics

Celebrating humanity's flourishing through the spread of capitalism and the rule of law

European Royal History

Exploring the Monarchs of Europe

Tallbloke's Talkshop

Cutting edge science you can dice with

Marginal REVOLUTION

Small Steps Toward A Much Better World

NOT A LOT OF PEOPLE KNOW THAT

“We do not believe any group of men adequate enough or wise enough to operate without scrutiny or without criticism. We know that the only way to avoid error is to detect it, that the only way to detect it is to be free to inquire. We know that in secrecy error undetected will flourish and subvert”. - J Robert Oppenheimer.

STOP THESE THINGS

The truth about the great wind power fraud - we're not here to debate the wind industry, we're here to destroy it.

Lindsay Mitchell

Celebrating humanity's flourishing through the spread of capitalism and the rule of law

Alt-M

Celebrating humanity's flourishing through the spread of capitalism and the rule of law

croaking cassandra

Economics, public policy, monetary policy, financial regulation, with a New Zealand perspective

The Grumpy Economist

Celebrating humanity's flourishing through the spread of capitalism and the rule of law